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Transmodernity, The Transnational Elemental Stems and Zodiacal Branches Calendrical Clock and the Cosmic Breath Qi

Dr. Rey Tiquia is an alumnus of the University of Melbourne. He is a philosopher of science as well as a qualified practitioner of Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM). He took his Bachelor of TCM from the Beijing College of Traditional Chinese Medicine;  BA from Manuel Luis Quezon University, Manila, Philippines, and his MSc and Ph.D. degrees in History and Philosophy of Science, University of Melbourne, Australia. His dissertation was entitled, Traditional Chinese Medicine as an Australian tradition of health care (2005) wherein he proposed the construction of a symmetrical translating knowledge space between traditional Chinese medicine and Western scientific medicine in Australia. He has lectured on the history and philosophy of TCM at both University of Melbourne and Victoria University of Technology. In 2000, the Wellcome Trust invited him to facilitate a workshop for the Closed-Door Research Conference on Complementary and Alternative Medicine in London, UK. Since 1997, he has been an Honorary Professor at Shanxi College of TCM, Taiyuan City, China.    

Modernity’s Mechanical Metaphysics

Modernity, which had its originary moment as a European phenomenon in 1492[1]  is a historical epoch characterised by the emergence of capitalism, industrialism, ratio-legal bureaucracies, and state control of military power and surveillance. Icultural dimensions include discourses of rationality, scientism (‘an uncritical faith in science’)[2] and progress through economic development, objectivity, and in the field of medicine the culture of the randomised controlled trial (RCT). In his book Cosmopolis the Hidden Agenda of Modernity (1990), Stephen Toulmin aptly describes the cosmology of ‘High Modernity’ as one ‘which saw nature and humanity as distinct and separate’.[3] This cosmology in turn gave rise to the Cartesian credo of ‘I think, therefore I am’[4] which opened the way to the mechanical metaphysics of dichotomising the mind from the body, theory from practice,[5]‘heaven’ from ‘man’.[6]‘God the father’ from ‘Mother Earth’,[7] ‘space’ from ‘time’ and a ‘gulf’ or a ‘divide’ between ‘people’s expectations and their daily experiences of real life’. [8]

One of the consequences of the 1911 revolution (xinhai geming) in China was the political demise of the traditional Chinese calendar (li fa).[9] On 1 January 1912, Sun Yat-sen announced the establishment of the Republic of China in Nanking, and was inaugurated as the provisional president of China’s first republic. In the ‘Inaugural Announcement of the Provisional President’, the unity of the ‘Chinese races as one’ was greatly emphasised. Subsequently, on 2 January 1912, Sun Yat-sen informed all provinces that participated in the uprising against the Qing imperial rule that ‘the Yin calendar yin li陰曆 (lunar calendar) or Xia Calendar xia li 夏曆,[10] has been abolished and replaced by the yang calendar’[11] (yang li).[12] The ‘fourth year of the Xuantong emperor (1911), calculated using the lunar calendar, will be followed by the first year of the Republic (1912), calculated using the solar calendar’.[13] The Era of the Republic of China was promulgated, and 1912 was officially declared the first year of this historical period, with 1 January 1912 officially the first day of the Republic and years to be counted successively from 1912.[14] After 1949, the People’s Republic of China in Mainland China adopted the Western Gregorian Calendar.[15] Hence, since 1912, as China adopted the Gregorian Calendar and Greenwich Mean Time, the modern Western time system replaced the pre-modern Chinese time system. The traditional Chinese calendar was hegemonically translated i.e. one-sidedly rendered into the image of the ‘universe’ of the Western Gregorian Calendar and Greenwich time. The ‘primordial unity of the system of space with the system of time’ (yu zhou) was replaced by the Newtonian doctrine of absolute space and time. According to Shu-hsien Liu, this doctrine never developed in pre-modern China.[16] Instead, Shu-hsien Liu (quoting the late Chinese contemporary philosopher Thomé H. Fang) saw 

The ‘Universe’ or ‘Cosmos’, as expressed in Chinese, is ‘Yü-Chou’, designating Space and    Time. What we call ‘Yü’ is the collocation of three-dimensional spaces; what we call   ‘Chou’ is constituted by the one dimensional series of changes in succession—the past continuing itself into the present and the present, into the future. Yü and Chou, taken together, represent the primordial unity of the system of Space with the system of Time. Yüchou without a hyphen, is an integral system by itself to be differentiated, only later on, into Space and Time. The four-dimensional unity of Minkowsky and the ‘Space-Time’[17] of S. Alexander even cannot adequately convey the meaning of that inseparable connection between Space and Time that is involved in the Chinese term ‘Yüchou’. The nearest equivalent to it would be Einstein’s ‘Unified Field’. ‘Yü-Chou’, as the Chinese philosophers have conceived it, is the unified field of all existence. 18 

In the pre-modern Chinese time system (which is the traditional Chinese calendar), Shu Hsien Liu contended that ‘space and time are not to be separated from the actual content or happenings of the world, material and spiritual’. ‘The ‘universe’ or Yuchou [18] is seen by the Chinese philosophers to embrace within itself a physical world as well as a spiritual world, so interpenetrated with each other as to form an inseparable whole. It is not be bifurcated, as is done in Western thought into two realms which are mutually exclusive or even diametrically opposed.’ I believe these ‘two realms’ refer to the ‘realm of the abstracted theoretical world’ (theory) and the ‘realm of the real world’ (practice). 

In essence, the political demise of the traditional Chinese calendar in 1911 fractured the ‘unified field of all existence’ i.e. the ontology and epistemology of various pre- modern traditional Chinese natural studies and their corresponding practices including traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) chuan tong zhong yi, chrono-acupuncture zi wu liu zhu, astronomy tian wen xue, calendrical studies li fa, geomancy feng shui, organic farming, traditional Chinese sexual practices fang zhong shu, ancient Chinese divination zhan bu 占卜and traditional Chinese prognosticational yu ce 預測 systems of foretelling major climactic events (floods, droughts) epidemics, natural disasters like earthquakes etc.[19]

Modernity: New Technologies, New Media and ‘New Modes of Existence that Replace Former Ways of Inhabiting Space and Experiencing Time’

To operate within modernity according to Sharon L. Snyder also meant to participate in the belief that one finds bold contrast between modern conceptions of the cosmos and the worldview of premoderns or “ancients.”[20] In the field of philosophy, premodern beliefs yielded to modern dismay about how social systems determine a great deal of life experience for any one individual. German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche  proposed that modernity is typified by crises in systems of morality, so that once belief is lost, there can be no restoration. He also noted that many of these crises in self-perception occur because of advancements in knowledge and an uncritical embrace of new technologies. ‘Modern’ technologies[21] themselves participate in the decentring[22] of human confidence in perception[23] and planning. Modernity as a historical coordinate, a marker in a chronology of named epochs, depends on the distinction between new modes of existence as well as new perceptions of a self that attends to transport, architecture, mass events, and media[24] that replace former ways of inhabiting space and experiencing time. Thus, some scholars will even go so far as to locate modernity with the advent of the printing press and the mass circulation of print information that brought about expanded literacy[25] in a middle class during the 15th century. The printing press are machines by which text and images are transferred to paper or other media by means of ink. Although movable type, as well as paper, first appeared in China, it was in Europe that printing first became mechanized. The earliest mention of a printing press is in a lawsuit in Strasbourg in 1439 revealing construction of a press for Johannes Gutenberg and his associates. The invention of the printing press itself obviously owed much to the medieval paper press, in turn modelled after the ancient wine-and-olive press of the Mediterranean area. A long handle was used to turn a heavy wooden screw, exerting downward pressure against the paper, which was laid over the type mounted on a wooden platen. In its essentials, the wooden press reigned supreme for more than 300 years, with a hardly varying rate of 250 sheets per hour printed on one side.[26]

The Hegemonic Scientific Translation of  the Chinese word Qi 氣:  The  Calendar Case , The Hou Qi  ‘Watching the Ether’ Controversy and the Inroad  of ‘Western Learning’ and  Modernity into China

As modernity xiandaixing or xiandaihua or ‘Western Learning’ or ‘Western culture’[27]  or ‘Western science and technology’[28] sat foot in late Ming (1368-1644)  and early Qing  (1644-1911) China  xixue dong jian西學東漸 i.e. as ‘Western learning spread to the East” , the polysemic Chinese word qi  ‘lost’  its premodern metaphysical meaning  which saw the  natureworld and the humanworld as  organically linked by one  cosmic breath  qi   tianren tongqi[29] By the late Ming and early Qing, Western scholars like Johann Adam Schall von Bell while adopting mechanistic metaphysical values which dichotomizes the natureworld from the humanworld,  mind from  body; space from time, as well as theory from practice, encountered problems in  ‘seeing’ and ‘watching the ether’ qi氣 i.e. ‘watching for the rise of the invisible qi 陽氣and visible matter’陰氣.[30]

Johann Adam von Bell (1592-1666), whose Chinese name was Tang Ruo-wang湯若望 assumed directorship of China’s Astronomical Bureau during the Ming-Ch’ing transition. Beginning in the second year of  the Shun zhi 順治reign (1645), Schall reinstated the yearly excursion to  Shun-tien prefecture to watch the ethers (qi) during the five days preceding the onset of the Li Chun 立春 forthnightly period (jie qi 節氣). Perhaps as a proleptic gesture to silence possible mutterings, which could have led to undesirable confrontations, the Jesuit sent an official from the Calendrical Office (li ke 歷科); one from the Clepsydra Office  lou ke ke漏刻科) and such local officials as timekeepers (si chen 司晨) to perform the traditional operations. However, perhaps because the operations of hou chi 侯氣 [31] were unverifiable, these officials did not normally bother to make actual measurements and instead thje timekeeper si chen  simply submitted a false report stating that the c’hi  (qi 氣) had manifested itself. The day before the arrival of  li Chun 立春forthnightly period (‘Spring Begins,’ author) the pitch pipes were put away and a report made to the effect that some or all of the ashes had flown…The astronomical Bureau charged with making the yearly calendar, had the formal responsibility of ensuring the precise timing of Li Chun…When Adam Schall assumed the directorship of the bureau, he deliberately forced out those astronomers who had been trained in traditional Chinese and Muslim astronomy. However, he had underestimated the tangled intertwining of astronomy and yinyang numerology shuli tianwenxue fangfa  数理天文学方法. The old method numerologists had used in telling fortunes were undermined when Schall ‘changed the (spacetime) sequence of  Zi (the twentieth of the 28 constellations) and shen 參(the twenty first of the 28 constellation) ; ‘transposed luo hou 羅睺 (Rahu) and ji du 計都 (Ke tu) and obliterated zi qi 紫氣 ( the auspicious purple cloud) in his new calendar 新法. [32]The reaction to this was intense, recriminatory outcry from conservatives. Yang Guang-Xian 陽光先(1597-1669) , in order to uphold tradition, brought a suit against the Jesuits in 1664— this was the so called ‘Calendar Case.’ In the midst of this conflict, the attitudes of the Catholic astronomers toward hou-chi 侯氣 (‘watching the ether’) came to be the focus of the attacks of the Chinese conservatives.”[33]

A close up of a piece of paper

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The 12 Pitch-pipes as Instruments that Validated the Existential and  Metaphysical Values of the Invisible Cosmic Breath  Qi    

‘During the Han Dynasty (202 BC-AD 220), when the pitch-pipe lore was greatly elaborated, the dimensions of  the primary huang chung tube was also made the basis for deriving the standard measures of length, capacity and weight. In view of this central importance of  the pitch-pipes for music, the calendar, and the system of weight and measures alike, it is not surprising that they should come to be regarded as instruments whereby to observe the cosmic movements’[34] yu zhou yunxing i.e.spacetime motion of the yin (visible matter) and yang ethers (invisible qi)” 

Performing Watching the Ether’ hou qi  

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[Bodde, “Chinese Cosmic Magic  1981,353]

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Water Clock <https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search#!?q=China&perPage=20&sortBy=Relevance&offset=0&pageSize=>>0

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The Twelve Pitch-pipes十二侓

  1. Yellow Bell        黃鍾  
  2. Big Bell 大呂
  3. Great Foliage 太簇
  4. Pinched Bell  夾鍾
  5. Maiden Purity 姑洗
  6. Median Regulator 中呂
  7. Fringe Guest  蕤賓
  8. Forest Bell  林鍾 
  9. Tranquil Pattern  夷則
  10. Southern Regulator 南呂
  11. No Discharge  無射
  12. Responsive Bell 應鍾

Provenance: Joseph Needham &Wang Ling. Science and Civilization in China Vol. 4 ‘Physics and Physical Technology. Cambridge University Press,1962,174.

“At all times, in recording data or information for a new  traditional Chinese Calendar, numbers are used to calculate it 推之; the celestial phenomena to fathom it 測之; the waterclock (clepsydra) lou 漏to verify it kaozhi考之; and the presence (existence) of the ‘ether’  陽氣 (invisible qi)) to validate it yanzhi驗之… Hence the  clepsydra must be checked and tested  so that it runs 100 ke 刻 a day. Then the  pitch-pipes are placed inside the triple-walled chamber to observe the phenomena of the arrival of  the ‘ethers’ 陽 氣 (invisble  qi) i.e. ascertain the exact time when the reed ashes (‘visible matter’) 陰氣came out of the corresponding  pitch-pipe tube. In this way one can  determine and calculate whether this is  the exact time or day when the sun has entered the 1st or 15th degree of  one of the 12 zodiacal signs (each forthnightly  period or solar term  jie qi 節氣) being given an appropriate name indicating the obvious changes in nature at the time it comes around) or not 以知推算之時刻分秒與天地之節氣合與不合. [35]

Nowadays, (Schall) relies only upon his own calculations and has abolished those offices that used this old system… [When ]the pitch-pipes used by the Lou-k’ o Office are abolished and no consideration is given to their flying ashes, even if people go so far as to violate the hou-ch’i   in its very chamber and celestial aberrations appear, who will dare to speak up? Thus will Schall deceive the whole world  in order to present his new method.”  -Yang Guang Xian 陽光先.[36]

Reconstructing A New Metaphysical Spacetime Cosmic Order

Having restored the metaphysical value of the cosmic breath qi to the real world , let us now proceed to a reconstruction of a new metaphysical spacetime cosmic order in the emerging era of transmodernity.[37]

According to Ian Coulter, metaphysics are ‘broad generalisations about the nature of the world and are usually ontological (about the ultimate nature of reality). Unlike thories that try to make sense of observations, metaphysics are a priori   in that they provide schemes in terms of which reality can be approached before we even begin to think about theory. Examples of metaphysics in science include mechanism, dualism, realism, idealism, materialism and reductionism. These are all fundamental presuppositions whose truth or falsehood cannot be established empirically through observation. They are also fundamental in the sense that the purpose of research done under their guidance is not to question or test these assumptions. To this extent, they are taken-for-granted guidelines for investigations. If they are challenged, it will be through appeal to an alternative metaphysics. So for example, Descartes challenges the extreme notion of mechanism, and rescues mechanism by establishing a dualism to deal with the order of the mind. Current chaos theory challenges the metaphysic of determinacy.’ Yan Fu 嚴複 (1854– 1921) was one of the first generation of Chinese translators of European texts who used the Chinese term xing er shang 形而上 to translate Aristotle’s metaphysics. [38] Thomas Michael believes that the domain of metaphysics begins with the question of ontology: ‘what is there in the universe?’ (minds? Bodies? Stuff? Ghosts?Spirits?Angels?). It then asks the question of cosmogony: ‘whatever there is in the universe, how did it originate?’ (Genesis? Brahma? Shunyata?). It finally asks the question of cosmology: ‘Whatever there is in the universe, how do the pieces of it relate to each other?’ (Mind body problem, how many angels dance on the head of the pin, reductionism). Theology adds a further consideration with its soteriology: ‘Whatever there is in the universe, where does it lead?’ (Salvation or damnation? Utopia? Democracy, theocracy, or socialism?. [39]

Ian Coulter pointed out that Joseph Agassi in 1964 proposed that metaphysics play a dominant role in working out which scientific or technoscientific problems at any given time will be engaged with by scientists, a role given to paradigms in Thomas Kuhns [1962) theory. [40]

 The Discourse of Modernity: A Standard Representationalist View in Science 

And according to associate researcher fellow at the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, Taiwan, Sean Hsiang Lin Lei, central to this ‘discourse of modernity’ is what philosopher of science Ian Hacking referred to as the “representationist conception of reality”[41] or the standard representationalist view in science which upholds the universalizing role of theory in knowledge production. It puts theorizing forward as the main activity of value in knowledge production. That is to say, all knowledge is a mere abstraction of the objective world. Joseph Rouse in emphasizing science as a field of practice said that “action has its own kind of understanding which cannot be reduced to theoretical representations.” [42]

I would like to suggest a way of ‘healing’ this fractured metaphysics that separates the realm of ‘the abstracted theoretical world’ (theory) from ‘the realm of the real world’ (practice ). In its place I propose the performative metaphysical paradigm of theory-as-practice which holds a ‘macrocosmic (yin)-macrocosmic (yang) view of the living human  being as the universe contained in the individual [Yinyang PMPTAP. [43]The interaction between the yin visible material cosmos and the invisible yang cosmic breath qi brings about life in our universe. And ‘the Five Elements wu xing,  are  encompassed by  the  two Yin and Yang Qi (invisible yang cosmic breath qi  and the yin visible material cosmos and the five ascending, floating, descending,  sinking  and centering space-time-matter-in-motion.

The Western notion of the four elements of fire, air, water and earth is comparable to the five elements wu xing of TCM: mu  (wood), huo  (fire), tu  (earth), jin  (metal) and shui  (water)—in the sense that in both philosophical systems, the elements constitute the ultimate roots of all natural things. In the atmosphere (of the universe), there are four basic chemical elements i.e. oxygen yang, hydrogen qing , nitrogen dan  and carbon tan .There are numerous chemical elements in the athmosphere. Aside from these four elements which accounts for the most numerous, other elements do not affect the integrity of human life. Oxygen moves upwards; hydrogen floats upwards; nitrogen moves downwards while carbon sinks downwards. These four elements combine making it impossible to differentiate one from the other thereby neutralizing or counterbalancing each other zhong he in the course of their cyclical motion. The quickest upward motion ‘floats’ fu. The most rapid downward motion ‘sinks’ chen [44]

‘It is also important to realise that the basic elements necessary for life as we know it – carbon, hydrogen, oxygen and nitrogen exists throughout the heavens, and that amino acids have been found in meteorites. Given the proper environmental conditions, these molecules may join to form proteins and RNA of living cells, which can then replicate themselves. Such action would signify life.’[45] As Paul Pitchford pointed out in 2002, “in ancient Chinese therapeutics, jing  contains growth and development, including genetic codes  and networks ( RNA/DNA) . In many practices of ancient China, people would actively strengthen their jing  with appropriate foods, herbs and awareness practices.”[46] And this jing精is refined qi undergoing transformation ab initio.

Metaphysics As A ‘Unified Field of All Existence’

Chen Dingsan (1875–1960), a classicist Chinese medicine practitioner from China’s Sichuan province and author of the book Exploring the Origins of 

Medicine,[47] drew a circular and quadratic diagram[48] that explored the metaphysics or ‘unified field of all existence’ of the various traditional Chinese natural studies and practices. The circular diagram represents temporality or ‘time’ (yang) while the square or quadratic diagram represents ‘space’ (yin) 圆图为时间方图为空间. The two Chinese scripts 地方 di fang may lend themselves to be translated into English as ‘the square Earth’ while the two Chinese scripts 天圓 tian yuan may be translated into ‘circular sky’. And the ‘square earth’ is the yu 宇or ‘space’ or yin ; while the ‘circular sky’ is the zhou 宙 or ‘time or temporality’ or tian or yang . My view on this matter was confirmed by Zu Xing in his book Pictorial Explanation of the Book of Change which was published in 2007. Zu Xing in explaining the picture of the 64 hexagrams arrayed in a circular manner with another set of 64 hexagrams arrayed in eight columns horizontally and vertically thereby forming a square figure inside the circle of the other 64 hexagrams concluded that ‘the circular diagrams represents temporality or time while the square diagram formed represents space’ [49]圓為時間,方為空間.[50]

In performing the metaphysical paradigm of theory-as-practice which holds a ‘macroscopic (yin) -microscopic (yang) view of the living human being as the universe contained in the individual,’ in localities of the northern hemisphere, spatial positions or cardinal directions like the northern cardinal direction, simultaneously indicate the temporality of the winter season; the sub-seasonal phase or jie qi of the winter solstice 冬至, the month of December; or the zi two-hour period (23:00–01:00 ). And in the Southern Hemisphere localities, the reverse of this is true.[51] And zi 子 as one of the twelve terrestrial branches, together with ‘eight of the ten heavenly stems (tian gan ) and four of the ba gua 八卦 from the Yijing (the si wei 四維, four directions namely gen 艮, xun 巽, kun 坤, and qian 乾 for the inter- cardinal points’ form the ‘twenty-four compass-points ershisi fang ershisiwei ershisi xiang, or in geomantic parlance ershisi shan and set at 15° intervals. And the geomantic compass (luopan [52]) evolved from the Han diviner’s board (shi 式 ) from which the mariner’s compass (zhinanzhen ) evolved[53] And the diviner’s board is also referred to as the ‘cosmic clock’ or ‘cosmograph’.[54] This ‘diagram’ has  now evolved into the Transnational Elemental  Stems and Zodiacal Branches (Northern and Southern Hemispheres). 

The Transnational Elemental Stems and Zodiacal Branches Calendrical Clock (Northern/Southern Hemispheres)

The Transnational[55] Elemental Stems and Zodiacal Branches Calendrical Clock TESZBCC (Southern and Northern Hemispheres) is a new global space time system whereby the 60 (sexagenary) ten elemental stems shi tian gan and twelve zodiacal branches shi er di zhi cyclical symbols representing the flow of the lunar years, months, days and 12 two-hour time periods of the traditional Chinese calendar are arrayed in tandem with the years, months and days of the Western Gregorian calendar and the 24-hour system of the Coordinated Universal Time. The TESZBCC is a heterogeneous assemblage of nature, people, places and practices which are site and time specific and thus inhabits a spacetime. This shared spacetime metaphysics or ontic-epistemic imaginary entities/beings  or  ‘unified field of all existence’ is sustained by the social labour of creating equivalences and connections, i.e. spacetime equivalences and connections in and between various time zones in all hemispheres of the globe. When varying knowledge traditions are performed in this spacetime way, an emergent local (time), national and transnational real world comes into existence.[56]

In the paradigm of theory-as-practice, space time qi or cosmic breath [Tiquia, ‘Paradigm’, 2015, 215] is ̳forever flowing without beginning or end‘. And ̳traditionally, it is customary for the Chinese people to use the Gan-Zhi (ten elemental celestial stems and twelve zodiacal terrestrial branches) system [[57]to mark the passage of spacetime [Shu-hsien Liu, ̳’Time and Temporality” 2]. There are ten celestial elemental stems shi tian gan and twelve terrestrial zodiacal branches shi er di zhi. An alternating and sequential combination of the two sets of Chinese scripts make a cycle of sixty (sexagenary) lunar years, months, days and two-hour time periods in a day.[58]

According to Thomas Michael, time and space in early China tend more towards cyclicity than unilinearity’ [Michael, Pristine Dao, 6]. In his master‘s degree thesis (2004), Li Shao Yao from Taiwan Xuan Zang Institute of Humanities and Culture argued that the ten celestial elemental stems gan and the twelve terrestrial zodiacal E branches zhi constitute a system of spacetime codes[59] or symbols. He said: 

The celestial elemental  stems  symbols are: Jia yi , Bing , Ding , Wu ,  Ji ,  Geng , Xin , Ren and Gui . While the twelve terrestrial zodiacal  branches symbols zhi are Zi, Chou , Yin , Mao , Chen , Si , Wu  , Wei , Shen , You , Xu , and Hai . The [elemental stems and zodiacal branches are symbols or codes that the ancient people in China used to record the passing of time as well as one‘s spatial position (cardinal direction) in the universe ji shi he ji fangwei de fuhao. [60]

In the Transnational Elemental Stems and Zodiacal Branches Calendrical Clock (Northern and Southern Hemispheres), yin embraces yang, one element embraces the other four elements/agents/phases and one trigram and hexagram embraces the other seven trigrams and sixty three hexagrams of the Book of Changes; north embraces south, east embraces west, the heart-mind embraces the body while the physical embraces the spiritual;[61] the 24-hour astronomical time system embraces the twenty four  solar terms; the Gregorian Calendar months embraces the sexagenary lunar months of the traditional Chinese calendar and the human endogenous organ systems and their corresponding merdian/acutracs  embrace the triad of the Earth, Heaven and Humanity. In this way, the performance and mapping of the cosmic breath (qi) in a four-dimensional process encompasses the three spatial dimensions of length, breadth, depth and the fourth dimension of time[62] can be realised, i.e. the realisation of space embracing time. 

The basic unit for measuring time is the second. The second multiplied evenly by 60 gives us minutes, or by 3600 gives us an hour. The length of days, and even years, is measured by the basic unit of time, the second.[63] 3600 multiplied by 2 gives us 7200 seconds in a ‘ two-hour time periods.’ 7200 multiplied by 12  gives us 86,400 seconds in a day. Eighty six thousand 86,000 multiplied by 30 gives us 2,592,000 seconds  in one month. And finally 2,592,000 multiplied by 12 gives us 31,104,000 seconds  in one year. 

The Southern Hemisphere Calendrical Clock has two hands: a shorter hour hand as well as a longer second hand that both turn in a counter-clockwise direction. This is the directional flow of the motion and transformation ab initio of spacetime qi 時空之氣in the Southern Hemisphere [Tiquia, ‘Paradigm,’ 212]. To complete an hourly cycle, the longer second hand of the SHCC has to move round the clock in a counter-clockwise direction in 3600 seconds <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aey1oJiiP-8> Accessed December 24, 2019. The Northern Hemisphere Calendrical Clock NHCC also has an hour and a second hand as well that move in a clockwise direction. This is the directional flow of the motion and transformation ab initio of spacetime qi in the Northern Hemisphere. This sequence is used to explain the principle of spacetime qi motion and transformation in the Northern Hemisphere universe yuzhou and was the basis for the development of the Chinese calendar in the Northern Hemispherical region of China.[64] To complete an hourly cycle, the longer second hand of the NHCC has to move round the clock in a clockwise direction in 3600 seconds <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z0QvXc8yLTQ> Accessed December 24, 2019

As an ̳assemblage, the Transnational Elemental Stems and Zodiacal Branches Calendrical Clock (Northern and Southern Hemispheres)  are at the same time a translation media, i.e. a transcription media upon which an equivalent version of an entity is rendered or performed. It is made up of letters, characters, phonemes, ideograms, tongue, mouth, throat, teeth, pin yin, books, discrete signals, computers, the internet and so on. In this assemblage, the performative nature of qi, i.e., the binary yin ̳0‘ (space) and yang ̳‘ (time)[65], i.e., spacetime sequences of the sexagenary year, lunar months, days and two-hour time periods of the Transnational Elemental Stems and Zodiacal Branches Calendrical Clock is translated or transcribed into an equivalent digital version[66] of the UTC (Coordinated Universal Time i.e. temps universel coordonne).[67]

The system of ‘Coordinated Universal Time’ (UTC) has now replaced Greenwich Mean Time (GMT). With UTC, time (in various spatial zones on earth) is coordinated or synchronized well within 100 nanoseconds or 100 billionths of a second. Time is synchronized or coordinated through a network of 24 satellites that emit signals as they “orbit the earth at the height of 20,200 km in six fixed planes inclined 55 ̊ from the equator. The orbital period is 11 h 58 min, which means that a satellite will orbit the earth twice per day”. A GPS (global Positioning System) transceiver (mobile phone, computer) receive these signals from the satellites which then specify its position with an uncertainty of <10 meters.

Using the enabling capacity of the internet, I am developing the Transnational Elemental Stems and Zodiacal Branches Calencdrical Clock (MNorthern/southern Hemisphere) into an i-phone appliance that can translate the traditional Chinese sexagenary time system of the Lunar Years Nian/Sui, Lunar Month Yue, Days ri and ‘Two-hour time periods’ shi chen into the different times zones of the world. This project can facilitate the reconstruction of the ‘unified field of all existence’ of the various pre-modern traditional Chinese art and practices in a transmodern[68] world like the traditional Chinese chronomedicine, chronoacupuncture,  feng shui, traditional Chinese organic farming, and the traditional Chinese prognosticational system of foretelling major climactic events (floods, draught), epidemics, natural disasters like earthquakes etc. in various localities of both hemispheres of the globe [Tiquia, “1911 Revolution,” 2012]

For the years 2016 and 2017, 2018 and 2019 I have manually translated and transcribed data on the years, lunar months, days , and the twelve two-hour time periods of the traditional Chinese sexagenary time system on to my personal computer Google Calendar with its settings fixed on GMT+ 11:00 AEST Melbourne, State of Victoria, Australia. Now, I am proposing to extend this to all time zones in all hemispheres of the globe thereby developing an i-phone appliance that can generate an equivalent UTC (Coordinated Universal Time) version of the traditional Chinese sexagenary time system of the years, lunar months , days and ̳two-hour time periods  in various times zones of the world.

 The Invisible Yang Cosmic Breath as an Ontological, Cosmological, Cosmogonical, Soteriological, Astronomical and Meteorological Force in the Universe

The metaphysical i.e. ontic-epistemic imaginary being cosmic breath qi  as an ontological, cosmological, cosmogonical, soteriological, astronomical and meteorological force in the universe drives the flow of the oceanic wave of “current and surf ( the swell of the sea bouncing on the shore of the reefs or the effervescence produced by this). The skill of the surfer lies in knowing at what time and in what direction to catch a wave.[69] The prowess of a traditional Chinese medicine practitioner or feng shui or yinyang master rest in knowing when i.e. choosing the most auspicious Yang day ze ri  and time ze shi  and in what spatial orientation to perform a given act or construct a building[70] i.e. to collect, concentrate and accumulate the universal energy of life or yang cosmic breath, and in the process hamonise and match space yin and time yang [Tiquia, “Paradigm,” 2015,220]. And in this regard, to successfully surf the oceanic wave of the invisible yang cosmic breath in various timezone localities in both the Northern and Southern Hemispheres, one needs the services of a new global time system — The Transnational  Elemental Stems and Zodiacal Branches Calendrical Clock. And in Melbourne, Australia, this new global time system is currently being used in locating effective acupuncture points (chronoacupuncture) in dealing with difficult clinical conditions[71] as well as in adapting to dire climate changes we are experiencing globally by aligning our spacetime Qi  with the flow of season and time.

Conclusion

Adopting a new metaphysical world view i.e. a performative metaphysical paradigm of theory-as-practice which holds a ‘macroscopic (yin) -microscopic (yang)

perspective of the living human being as the universe contained in the individual [Yinyang PMPTAP], a critique is made of modernity’s. mechanical metaphysics. In the process, a new metaphysical spacetime cosmic order emerges thereby narrowing the gulf between nature and humanity; body and mind; theory and practice; God the Father and Mother Earth . The metaphysical values of the Cosmic Breath Qi and the Transnational Elemental Stems and Zodiacal Branches Calendrical Clock (Northern and Southern Hemisphere) are reconstituted. Consequentially, these will  interrupt the decline of traditional Chinese Medicine and other Chinese technoscientific practices and their respective prognosticative power as mobile bodies of local knowledge while ensuring  their continued innovation and regeneration.


Endnotes

[1] David Turnbull in his book Masons, Tricksters, and Cartographerst highlighted the fact that the South American historian Enrique Dussell’s perspective that ‘ modernity had it’s originary moment as a European phenomenon in 1492, when Europe defined itself as the centre of world history in it’s encounter with the non-European other –an alterity it has erased’ [David Turnbull, Masons, Tricksters, and Cartographers (Australia: Harwood Academic Publishers, 2000), 227.

[2] Professor Benjamin A. Elman pointed out in 2003 that scientism influenced a number of influential Chinese scientists trained abroad as well as other intellectuals like Chen Duxiu and Ba Jin (Li Feigan), who in his 1931 novel Family attacked ‘premodern Daoism 道教 and traditional medicine 中醫 as haven of superstition and backwardness’, Benjamin  Elman, ‘Rethinking the Twentieth Century Denigration of Traditional Chinese Science and Medicine in the Twenty-First Century’, paper presented at the Sixth International Conference on the Significance of Chinese Culture in the Twenty-First Century: The Interaction and Confluence of Chinese and Non-Chinese Civilisation’, International Sinological Center, Charles University, Prague, 1–2 November 2003, 20. 

[3] Stephen Toulmin described ‘High Modernity’ as an age ‘which saw nature and humanity as distinct and separate’ giving way to an epoch of ‘humanised Modernity’ or postmodernity ‘which reintegrates nature and humanity’: Stephen Toulmin, Cosmopolis: The Hidden Agenda of Modernity (New York: Free Press, 1990), 182–3. Arguing for a sympathetic understanding, continuation and development of the northern hemispherical ancient Chinese geomantic practice of ‘wind and water’ 風水 from a local knowledge perspective into the southern hemisphere, Michael Paton and Zhang Chengmin pointed out that ‘in the large-scale social, political and environmental evolution in the global economy we need to be careful not to wage war on nature by remembering that the earth is one connected life system’: Michael Paton and Zhang Chengmin, ‘Southern Culture and the North/South Divide: More Than a Metaphor’, JOSA 46 (2014): 26–40. 

[4] .J. Chan and J.E. Chan, ‘Medicine for the Millennium: The Challenge of Postmodernism’, Medical Journal of Australia 172:7 (2000): 332–4.

[5] R. Tiquia, ‘Constructing a Non-Hegemonic, Interactive Space for Traditional Asian Medicine’, paper presented at the Seventeenth Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia ‘Is This the Asian Century?’, Monash University, Melbourne, 1–3 July 2008: <http://artsonline.monash.edu.au/mai/files/2012/07/reytiquia.pdf>, accessed 14 October 2013. 

[6] Li-chen Lin from National Taiwan University in looking at three ancient Chinese scholars’ (Meng Hsi, Wang Pi and Chu Hsi) interpretations of the Book of Changes concept of ‘time’ and ‘position’ (cardinal direction) concluded that ‘all three upheld the unity of heaven [i.e. nature] and man, and denied that heaven and man constitute two distinct realms’. Li-chen Lin, ‘The Concepts of Time and Position in the Book of Changes and Their Development’, in Time and Space in Chinese Culture, ed. Chun-chieh Huang and Erick Zürcher (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 112–13. 

We can also say that the European colonisation of the Australian continent signalled the fracturing of the ‘Dreamtime’ metaphysics of the indigenous people. ‘Dreamings’ are the ‘secrets’ of the ‘country’ which is a ‘complex of myth, ritual, and local knowledge, binding man and nature in a living, personal relationship’, A.P. Elkin, The Australian Aborigines (Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1976), 43. 

[7] “ If Western thinking arrived at a dualism of “God the Father” and “Mother Earth,” Chinese elixirists strove to transcend the yin materiality of earth and rise to the yang spirituality of heaven.  The drive for  transcendence is one for Christian and Taoist, but for Christian it was an act of faith backed up by will and mental concentration, whereas for the later Taoists the substance of the body itself could be transmuted.”  Douglas Wile, Art of the Bedchamber: The Chinese Sexual Yoga Classics Including Women’s Solo Meditation Texts (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1992), 71.

[8] Chang-Tze Hu, ‘Historical Time Pressure: An Analysis of Min Pao (1905–1908)’ in Huang and Zürcher, Time and Space in Chinese Cultureedited by Chun-chieh Huang and Erik Zürcher.Leiden; New York: E.J. Brill , 1995,  329. 

[9] Li fa refers to the traditional Chinese Calendar in contemporary times. The character li 曆 is translated into English as ‘calendar’ and ‘astronomy’, see L. Weiger, Chinese Characters (New York: Paragon, 1965), 618. Li fa is defined as ‘the method of calculating the motion of the sun, moon, stars and planets as well as the flow of the seasons’: <http://chardb.iis.sinica.edu.tw/search.jsp?q=曆 &x=33&y=19&stype=0>.

[10] The Xia Calendar  夏历 “which embody the astronomy and reality in the locality of the  Xia Dynastic Kingdom”was the calendrical system constructed through the auspices of the  Taosi Astronomical Observatory 陶寺观象built during the late neolithic era in the north central China plain. The Taosi site is located in  N35° 52’  55.9’’  E  111°29’   54’’  in Shanxi Province, 5.5 km from the Fen River to the west and barely 10 km from Ta’er Mountain to the east. According to historical accounts and local tradition, this area was the heartland of the first dynastic polity in Chinese history, the Xia, which ruled the north central China plains along the Yellow River from ca 2100  to ca 1600 BCE. The Taosi astronomical observatory is identified in ancient sources as the location of the capital of Emperor Yao, the semi-legendary hero whose sagely government supposedly played a crucial role in the  formative period of Chinese civilisation [David Pankenier, Ciyuan Y. Liu, Salvo de Megs, “ The Xiangfen, Taosi Site: A Chinese Neolithic ‘Observatory’, Archaeologia Baltica 10 <<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taosi>> Accessed April 28, 2017. [R. Tiquia, Project proposal to hold a workshop in China : “Restoring the Chinese Calendar 历法 and the Cosmic Breath 宇宙之氣 to the Real World:From the Xia Calendar 夏历 to the Stems & Branches Calendrical Clock : North/South Hemispheres) 天干地支 历法时钟(南北半球) submitted to the International Research and Research Training Fund(IRRTF), University of Melbourne, 2017]. 

[11] Li fa is also referred to as yin li 陰曆 and xia li 夏曆 while the Western Gregorian calendar is referred to as yang li 陽曆, gong li 公曆, and ge lili 格里曆 Gregorian Calendar.

[12] Li Chien-Nung, The Political History of China, 1840–1928, trans. and ed. Ssy-Yu Teng and Jeremy Ingalls (Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand, 1965), 256. Also see <http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Xinhai_Revolution&useskin=monobook>.

[13] Henrietta Harrison, Inventing the Nation China (London: Arnold, 2001), 158. Similar dates for these events are in Huang Qiu 黃秋 et al., Shiyong wannianli 實用萬年曆 (Practical Chinese perpetual calendar) (Beijing: Zhongguo Zhongyiyao chubanshe, 1994), 315.

[14] Hence, 1913 is min guo er nian, 1914 is min guo san nian and min guo 89 would be the year 2000, Endymion Wilkinson, Chinese History: A Manual (Harvard University Asia Center, 2010), 185.

[15] ‘In their desire to abolish ancient customs, the Communists did not wish to create a new era (at least in the calendar) and they adopted instead the Western calendar. But till now, they have not been able to eradicate the old system; and thus, after several attempts to suppress the traditional dates in the newspapers (as happened at the beginning of 1977), they have returned once more to the solution of citing concurrently both calendars, the “common” calendar and the “peasant” calendar’, see Jean- Michel Huon de Kermadec, The Way to Chinese Astrology: The Four Pillars of Destiny (London: Unwin, 1983), 23.

[16] Shu-hsien Liu, ‘Time and Temporality: The Chinese Perspective’, Philosophy East and West 24:2 (1974): 145–53.

[17] The relativity revolution…dates from1905and1915…While struggling with puzzles involving electricity, magnetism and light’s motion, Einstein realised that Newton’s conception of space and time, the cornerstone of classical physics, was flawed. Over the course of a few intense weeks, in the spring of 1905, he determined that space and time are not independent and absolute, as Newton had thought, but are enmeshed and relative in a manner that flies in the face of common experience. Some ten years later, Einstein hammered a final nail in the Newtonian coffin by rewriting the laws of gravitational physics. This time, not only did Einstein show that space and time are part of a unified whole, he also showed that by warping and curving they participate in cosmic evolution. Far from being rigid, the unchanging structures envisioned by Newton, space and time in Einstein’s reworking are flexible and dynamic. The two theories of relativity [specific in 1905 and general in 1915] are among humankind’s most precious achievements, and with them Einstein toppled Newton’s conception of reality. Even though Newtonian physics seemed to capture mathematically much of what we experience physically, the reality it describes turns out to be not the reality of our world. Ours is a relativistic reality.’ Brian Greene, quoted in Alan Atkinson, The Europeans in Australia (Sydney: UNSW Press, 2014), 31. The ‘unified field of all existence’ is also referred to these days as the unified theory which is an ‘all-encompassing framework capable of embracing all of nature’s laws’ which today ‘ranks among the most important problem in theoretical physics’, Brian Greene, The Fabric of the Cosmos (Melbourne: Penguin, 2008), 16. 

[18] Yuchou is the Wade-Giles romanisation, rendered in pinyin as yu zhou.

[19] Weng Wenbo 翁文波 and Zhang Qing 張清 (1993). Tian gan dizhi li yu yu ce 天干地支歷與預測 (The elemental stems and zodiacal branches sexagenary cyclical calendar and prognostication). Beijing: Shiyou gongye chubanshe,

[20]According  to Marshall McLuhan in his book The Gutenberg Galaxy The Making of the Typographic Man (1962), preliterate or premodern cultures ‘depended primarily on face-to-face forms of communication in which all the senses –sight, smell, touch, taste and hearing—were simultaneously in play. Early forms of literacy, in which most reading took the form of reading out loud in a variety of social and public contexts, similarly involved seeing, speaking and hearing. Print culture, by contrast, abstracted the eye from the other senses and subjected it to a distinctive form of training by obliging it to follow each letter and each word, in their sequential toil across the page, then on the next line, and so on. The social consequences of this were, in McLuhan’s assessment, pretty well unlimited. The abstraction (‘disassociation’ , Merriam-Webster) of the eye from other sensory and other tactile forms of involvement paved the way for perspective art and for abstract numerical forms of calculation that proved crucial to the development of modern states and markets. Print, in encouraging silent and solitary reading, also played a key role in the development of modern forms of private life. And unlike manuscript culture, in which each letter is unique, the uniformity of print provided a model of visual repetition for the development of standardised forms of commodity production’ [Tony Bennett, “The media sensorium: cultural technologies, the senses and society,” in Mary Gillespie (ed) Media Audiences. Berkshire, England: Open University Press, 2005,51-96; 52-53]. 

Jack Goody in his book The Domestication of the Savage Mind (1977) claims that “the shift from  writing and then to print must be considered of critical importance in both formalising and increasing the flow of information that has been the precondition of many of the features that differentiate the prehistoric societies of the Neolithic and Paleolithic from the ‘modern’ civilizations that followed.” But it also crucially changes the kind of thinking and the kind of knowledge that is possible. “ Writing puts a distance between man and his verbal acts. He can now examine what he says in a more objective manner.”  Writing accounts for the difference between the open and the closed, between the rational and traditional, because it permits a different kind of scrutiny of current knowledge:” “Writing enables you to talk freely about your thoughts.” Writing allows for lists, formulae, classification, record keeping recipes, logic and formal texts of instructions. Thus, according to Goody, “Traditional societies are marked not so much by the absence of reflective thinking xingsi省思(‘examine oneself critically’ Plausible Labs Cooperative,PLECO)  as by the absence of the proper tools for constructive rumination. PLECO). This is because words assume a different relationship to action and to object when they are on paper than when they are spoken. They are no longer bound up directly with ‘reality’; the written word becomes a separate ‘thing’, abstracted to some extent from the flow of speech, shedding its close entailment with action, with power over matter’ [Turnbull,Mason, Trickdsters, 2000, 151].

[21]   Premodern technology which is referred to as  ji shu 技術in Chinese, is a body of knowledge, skills and operational techniques  that humanity directly applies and uses in their practical life activities.  Ji shu 技術 人類在實踐活動中直接應用·的知識, 技能 和操作方法   Gu Hanyu Da Cidian古漢語大辭典,Shanghai, Lexicographical Publishing House, PLECO) . The Classical Chinese script  ‘ji ‘ 技  means ‘qiao’ 巧  (‘skillful’) . Cong shou從手 (manage with the hand),支聲 (phonetics  zhi  ).《漢語大字典》p. 770. While shu 術 translates into English as ‘art’, ‘skill’‘way’ ,  ‘technique’, ‘method’ or ‘tactics’. Hence, premodern Chinese technology refers to is a body of knowledge, skills, techniques, methods, or tactics that humanity directly applies in their practical life activities  which involves skilful use of their hands. Premodern Chinese technology then is a combination of ‘technology’ or technique and a practice-based sciential  body of knowledge or ‘Technoscience’. 

[22] ‘Decentering’ means to cause one to lose or shift from an established center or focus, especially to disconnect from practical or theoretical assumption origin, priority or essence [Merriam Wesbster]. 

[23] ‘Perception’ refers to an awareness of the elements of environment through physical sensation [Merriam-Wesbster

[24] In 2005, Arthur Asa Berger defined ‘media’ as the plural of the term ‘medium.’ And he saw a ‘medium’ as a “means of sending communicating messages, information, or texts of one kind or another, from one person to another or, in the case of mass media, to many people… Media communicate texts for the most part. For example, speech is a medium we use in conversation with one another; it is a personal medium. The mass media are generally held to include books, and other kinds of printed works, radio, film, television, CDs, DVDs, and the Internet. With the mass media, large numbers of people are involved as audiences in the communication process… As many commentators have pointed out, the purpose of television shows–as far as the television industry and advertisers are concerned—is to deliver audiences to advertisers. The obsession radio and television stations have with obtaining money from advertising helps shape programming. The same applies to all media” [ Arthur Asa Berger (ed), Making sense of media : key texts in media and cultural studies. Malden MA USA: Blackwell Pub, 2005, 4-5]. 

[25] “The dissemination of printing to Europe terminated the monopoly of clergymen of the right to learning and higher education. It provided important conditions preparatory to the whirlwind advance of science following a long period of medieval darkness and to the Renaissance movement. In his letter to F. Engels in January 1863, Karl Marx referred to the discovering of gunpowder, the compass and printing as “prerequisites of bourgeois development,” a remark that places the art of printing in its properly significant role” [ Chinese Academy of Sciences, Ancient China’s Technology and Science, 1983, 391]. 

[26] “Modernity” Encyclopedia Britannica <https://www.britannica.com/contributor/Sharon-L-Snyder/9421972>Accessed: July 2, 2017<<https://www.britannica.com/technology/printing-press>> Accessed July 2, 2017.<https://www.britannica.com/technology/printing-press>Accessed October 15, 2019; Tiquia, Rey, “Restoring the Metaphysical Values of the Cosmic Breath Qi 氣  to the Real World.” Powerpoint  presentation  at the 15th Biennial Conference of the Chinese Studies Association of Australia (CSAA ) Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia, 10th -12th of  July <<https://www.researchgate.net/publication/318876769_Restoring_the_Metaphysical_Values_of_the_Cosmic_Breath_Qi_qi_to_the_Real_World_to_Realize_a_global_harmonisation_of_space_and_time_laishixianshikongdatong

[27] Advocating digital minimalism and living better with less technology, Cal Newport expressed deep concern about  modernity  being at odds with solitude i.e.‘a subjective state in which one’s mind is free from input from other mind.’Quoting Anthony Starr who stated that “ contemporary Western culture makes the peace of solitude difficult to attain. He pointed to Muzak  and the recent invention of the “car telephone” as the latest evidence of this encroachment of noise into all parts of our lives.” [Cal Newport, Digital Minimalism, UK: Penguin Business, 2019, 99, 93. 

[28] “ In the 17th century, Western science and technology began flowing into China via the Jesuit missionaries. Some 200 years later towards the end of the Qing dynasty, the feudal rulers who have panicked before imperialist gun-boats suddenly turned from xenophobia to blind worship of anything foreign. This latter type of delusion infected certain influential people, who advocated “wholesale Westernization” even after the patriotic May 4thMovement of 1919. China was submerged in Western science and technology at the cost of almost total obliteration of her own fine traditions” [Institute of the History of Natural Sciences , Chinese Academy of Sciences, Ancient China’s Technology and Science,Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1983,2]. Endymion Wilkinson refers to this Western European colonization of China as “The Transplantation of Modern Science” into China [ Wilkinson,2000,674-679]. 

[29] Chen Dingsan 陳鼎三 and Jiang Ersun 江爾孫, Yixue tanyuan 醫學探源 (Sichuan: Kexuejishu chubanshe, 1986, 16). 

[30] “For humans are endowed with the Six Qi from Heaven which in turn generates the Six endogenous fu organs 六腑. He/she is also endowed with the Five Elements which in turn generates the Five endogenous Zang organs 五脏. The Six endogenous fu and Five endogenous zang organs generate the twelve acupuncture meridians, the Five Sense Organs 五官 (eyes, ears, lips. nose, tongue), the ‘nine body openings’ 九窍, the four extremities, and the ‘hundred bones’. These are all categorized under ‘visible matter’ you xing zhi zhi有形之卮. None of these are unconnected with Heaven and Earth. The visible matter or substances in turn generate the ‘invisible qi sheng wuxing zhi qi生无形之气. On the other hand, the invisible qi moves the visible substances, none unconnected with Heaven and Earth. When the yin and yang qi move in harmony, then all the natural things multiply and thrive. And when the six qi flow in harmony, then all the acupuncture meridian pathways in the human body are not blocked, while human logic li 理and emotions manifest naturally. Otherwise, people become sick.” [Chen Ding San, Jiang Er Sun (ed. 1985), Yixue Tanyuan 医学 探源 (Sichuan: Sichuan kexue jishu chubanshe, 1985), p. 236.] R. Tiquia, “Constructing a Symmetrical Translating Knowledge Space between Traditional Chinese Medicine and Western Scientific Medicine in Australia.” In Complementary Medicine and Culture: The Changing Cultural Territory of Local and Global Healing Practices, edited by Tass Holmes and Evan-Paul Cherniack  161-189. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2017,182-183; Rey Tiquia, “Restoring the Metaphysical Values of the Cosmic Breath Qi 氣  to the Real World.” Powerpoint  presentation  at the 15th Biennial Conference of the Chinese Studies Association of Australia (CSAA ) Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia, 10th -12th of  July <<https://www.researchgate.net/publication/318876769_Restoring_the_Metaphysical_Values_of_the_Cosmic_Breath_Qi_qi_to_the_Real_World_to_Realize_a_global_harmonisation_of_space_and_time_laishixianshikongdatong

[31] According to Huang Yi-Long and Zhang Chih-ch’eng, hou qi 侯氣(watching the ethers) was a method used to calculate the seasons. It embodied the premodern Chinese concept of unity of Heaven, Earth and Man. The practice of hou qi involved the burying of twelve musical pitch pipes of graduated lengths in a sealed chamber while filling the pipes with ashes produced by burning the pith of a reed (Phjragmites communis). People during premodern China believed that when the sun entered the second forthnightly (ershisige jie qi 二十四個節氣 or twenty four subsdeadsonal phases or ‘climactic periods) in any given month, the Earth’s qi would rise and expel the ashes from the pipes [Huang Yi-Long and Chang Chih-ch’eng, (1996) “ The Evolution and Decline of the Ancient Chinese Practice of Watching for the Ethers”, Chinese Science, No. 13,pp. 82-106, p. 82]. 

.”

[32]The Chongzhen Chinese Calendar is a Western Astronomical Encyclopaedia. It’s first part included theories of Western astronomy and a compilation of astronomical tables (ephemeris). These tables were never recorded in the traditional Chinese Calendrical System 中國傳統曆法. They were hanged inside the offices of the Chinese Astronomical Bureau 钦天監. Hence, ordinary people could not see them [Jiang Xiao Yuan 江晓原, Xu Guang Qi yu Chongzhen Li Shu 徐光啓與崇禎曆書 (Xu Guang Qi and the Chinese Almanac),  2005年11月8日在“徐光启研讨会”上的演讲 (A speech delivered on the occasion of a symposium on Xu Guang Qi held on Novem ber 8, 2005)  , <<http://shc2000.sjtu.edu.cn/0512/xvguangq.htm>>Accessed, June 28, 2017]. The Chongzhen calendar (Chinese: 崇禎暦; pinyinChóngzhēn lì) or Shixian calendar (Chinese: 時憲暦; pinyinShíxiàn lì) was the final lunisolar Chinese calendar. It was developed by the Jesuit scholars Johann Schreck and Johann Adam Schall von Bell from 1624 to 1644, and was dedicated to the Chongzhen Emperor but he died a year after it was released, so it was propagated by the Shunzhi Emperor in the first year of the Qing dynasty who changed its name to Shíxiàn calendar <<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chongzhen_calendar>> Accessed December 22, 2019. 

.

[33] Huang Yi-Long 黃一農, Zhang Zhi-cheng 張志誠, Zhongguo chuantong houqi shuo de yanjin yu shuai tui 中國傳統侯氣說的演進與衰頹, qinghua xuebao 《清華學報》,23 (2), 1993, 125-146.

[34] Derk Bodde,”The Chinese Cosmic Magic Known as Watching For the Ethers,” in Essays on Chinese  Civilization,Edited by Charles Le BlancAnd Dorothy Borei, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1981,366; refer as well to R. Tiquia, “Restoring the Metaphysical Values of the Cosmic Breath Qi 氣  to the Real World.” Powerpoint  presentation  at the 15th Biennial Conference of the Chinese Studies Association of Australia (CSAA ) Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia, 10th -12th of  July .<<https://www.researchgate.net/publication/318876769_Restoring_the_Metaphysical_Values_of_the_Cosmic_Breath_Qi_qi_to_the_Real_World_to_Realize_a_global_harmonisation_of_space_and_time_laishixianshikongdatong

[35] This is this author’s translation of the original Chinese version of Huang Yi-Long and Chang Chih-

ch’eng’s paper.

[36] Huang Yi-Long and Chang Chih-ch’eng, (1996) “ The Evolution and Decline of the Ancient Chinese Practice of 

Watching for the Ethers”, Chinese Science, No. 13,pp. 82-106, p. 92. 

[37] David Turnbull quoting Enrique Dussel sees the ‘transmodern’ as a historical era where ‘modernity and its alterity co-realise themselves in the process of mutual creative fertilisation’[ Turnbull, Masons,2000, 227 

[38] R. Wang, YinYang: The Way of Heaven and Earth in Chinese Thought and Culture (Cambridge University Press, 2012), 66.

[39] Thoimas Michael, The Pristine Dao: Metaphysics in Early Daoist Discourse (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005), 6. ; Tiquia, Rey.  “ Restoring the Chinese Calendar Lifa  and the Cosmic Breath Qi to the Real World,”   Proceedings of the  Intelligent Systems Conference,   7-8 September, 2017 , London, UK. <<https://www.researchgate.net/publication/319654236_Restoring_the_Chinese_Calendar_Li_Fa_and_the_Cosmic_Breath_Qi_to_the_Real_World_A_New_Global_Time_System_The_Stems_and_Branches_Calendrical_clock]. 

[40]Ian Coulter, ‘Integration and Paradigm Clash: The Practical Difficulties of Integrative Medicine’, in The Mainstreaming of Complementary and Alternative Medicine , ed. P. Tovey, G. Easthope and J. Adams (London: Routledge, 2004), 103–21. 

[41] Sean Hsiang-Lin Lei, Neither Donkey Nor Horse Medicine in the Struggle Over China’s Modernity,(Chicago: University of Chicago Press: 2014), 14 .

[42] Joseph Rouse, Knowledge and Power: Toward a Political Philosophy of Science, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, l987), 77].

[43] And talking about Daoist  cosmology, Chang Chung-yuan (1907-1988) in his book Creativity and Taoism A Study of Chinese Philosophy, Art and Poetry (1963,137-38) pointed out that “Chinese cosmological theories  and the macrocosmic-microcosmic view of man as the universe contained in the individual” sees man/woman  as a “ microcosmic universe reflecting the macrocosmic universe about him. The movement of the inner and outer worlds is intimately correlated. Outwardly, man/woman move with the vast forces of the Heaven and Earth; inwardly there is the functioning of his own organs, following their universal pattern. Thus the physical functions and the structure of the inner organs have their cosmic analogies yuzhou leisi [43]i.e. spacetime analogies. It is on these cosmic analogies that the Taoist system of meditative breathing is constructed. 

[44] Peng Ziyi, Yuan yundong de gu zhongyixue 圓 運動的古中醫學 (Ancient Chinese medicine’s concept of cyclical motion). Beijing: Zhongguo zhongyiyao chubanshe, 2007, 269-270]. 

[45] Milton D. Heifetz & Will Tirion, A Walk Through the Southern Sky: A Guide to Stars and Constellations and Their Legends, Cambridge United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press,2012,12. Please refer as well to Rey Tiquia, “Translating the Life Energetic QiYin and Yang and the Five Elements as Ontic-Epistemic Imaginary Entities to Interrupt the Decline of Traditional Chinese Medicine and Ensure its Continued Innovation and Regeneration,” powerpoint presentation before Annual Conference of the Society for the Social Studies of Science (4S) , ‘Innovations, Interruptions, Regenrations,’ Sheraton Hotel, New Orleans, Louisiana, USA, September 4-7, 2019. 

[46] Paul Pitchford. Healing with Whole Foods : Asian Tradition and Modern Nutrition. Berkeley: North Atlantic Books, 2002, pp. 20-22. Refer as well to R. Tiquia “ The Use of Chrono-acupuncture and Chemotherapy in Treating Lung Cancer as Kesou (‘Cough’) in Melbourne, Australia : A Clinical Report, ” in presentation before the  1st International Conference of Advances in Cancer Medical Research (ACMR

2013) . Singapore. November 18-19, 2012 <https://www.researchgate.net/publication/324005558_Cancer_Singapore_Presentation>Accessed:December 22,. 2019.

[47] Chen Dingsan 陳鼎三 and Jiang Ersun 江爾孫, Yixue tanyuan 醫學探源 (Sichuan: Kexuejishu chubanshe, 1986). 

[48] This diagram featured in Chen and Jiang, Yixue tanyuan, , is equivalent to a ‘cosmic clock’, a ‘diviner’s board’ 式 or a ‘cosmograph’ which I will elucidate later in the text. 

[50] Zu Xing 祖行, Tujie yijing 圖解易經 (Xi’an: Shanxi shifan daxue, 2007). 

[51] R. Tiquia, ‘The Construction of a Chinese Medical Lunisolar Calendar for the Southern Hemisphere’, The Lantern 9:3 (2012): 33–51. 

[52] ‘The Chinese used the compass less for navigation than for defining on the ground the points of the compass and auspicious and inauspicious influences by a system imaginatively called Feng Shui (Wind and Water). The basis of calculation is essentially the same as that used for the calendar and the establishment of the horoscope’, see Huon de Kermadec, The Way to Chinese Astrology, 52–3.

[53] Field describes the use of the diviner’s board thus: ‘the cosmographer would orient the board to the cardinal directions, represented by the four sides of the board. Then he would align the number of the month on the heaven disc with the double hour of the day or night from the earth plate. Finally, he would note the constellation on the portion of the disc that fronted the southern edge of the board. These are the asterisms that would appear in the sky in the month and hour of the query.’ Stephen L. Field, Ancient Chinese Divination (University of Hawai’i Press, 2008), 93. 

[54] Wilkinson, Chinese History, 680.

[55] The theme of the 2018 annual meeting of the Society for Social Studies of Science — TRANSnational STS – encourages presentations, panels, and other events that deepen and extend the transnational character of the Society itself, while engaging issues invoked by both the TRANS prefix (across, beyond, to change thoroughly), and by the problematic and evolving status of “nations” – and the reassertion of nationalisms – in processes of global ordering. Leveraging the global scope of Science and Technology Studies (STS), our aim is to intensify connection between conference participants (scholars, practitioners, and students) based in different regions, stimulating conversation about ways 4S and other scholarly societies can provide critical infrastructure for next-generation, transnationally collaborative, intellectual and political engagements. We also aim to encourage consideration of a broad array of concepts that are undergoing – or should undergo – transformation if we are to address key scholarly and practical problems of our times. Current concepts, knowledges, practices, and institutions of “the nation” are exemplary, pointing to a need for radical reformulation of habitual ways of thinking about and organizing governance, bodies and lifeworlds. Expansive reconsideration of other concepts, foundational and emergent (justice, biopolitics, innovation, Empire, and the Anthropocene, for example), are also encouraged. Activities that draw conference participants into issues of special importance in Australia and the broader Asia-Pacific region – indigenous politics, border controls, mining, climate change, and renewable energy, for example — will be threaded throughout and offered in advance of the conference. The overall goal is to foreground diverse STS genealogies and approaches, leveraging the rich pluralism of STS, attuned to the rich pluralism of the contemporary world.

[56] 4S Sydney TRANSnational STS Society for Social Studies of Science Annual Conference, Sydney International Convention Centre, August 29- September 1 2018 << https://4sonline.org/ee/files/4S18_web_program_180825.pdf>> 

[57] Shu-hsien Liu, ̳’Time and Temporality: The Chinese Perspective’,  Philosophy East and West 24:2.

[58] R. Tiquia, ‘The Paradigm of Theory-as-Practice: TraditionalChinese Natural Studies and the Performance of the Cosmic Breath qi in a New Global Spacetime System, The Journal of The Oriental Society of Australia, Vol 47 (2015), 215-216. 

[59] Codes‘ are a ̳systematic modification of a language, information into letter figure or symbols for the purposes of brevity, secrecy or the machine processing of information‘ [Lesley Brown (ed) . The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary vol. I. [Oxford University Press,1993]. 432. 

[60] Li Shaoyao , Huangdi Neijing yunqixue yanjiu [Research on the Doctrine of Periods and Qi], Master‘s thesis, Centre for Religious Studies, Xuan Zhuang Humanities Institute , Taiwan, 2004, 15.

[61] R. Tiquia, ‘The Paradigm of Theory-as-Practice: TraditionalChinese Natural Studies and the Performance of the Cosmic Breath qi in a New Global Spacetime System,’ The Journal of The Oriental Society of Australia, Vol 47, 2015, 228.

[62] R. Tiquia, ‘The Construction of a Chinese Medical Lunisolar Calendar for the Southern Hemisphere.’ The Lantern Journal. 7:33-51. 2012. 

[63] James Jespersen and Jane Fritz-Randolph, From Sundials to Atomic Clocks Understanding Time and Frequency [ Mineola: Dover Publications, 1999] 23 

[64] Jou Tsung-Hwa, The Dao of Taijiquan Way to Rejuvenation, ed. Sharon Rose and Loretta Wollering (Scottdale, Ariz: Tai Chi Foundation, 2002), 119. 

[65] The binary numeral system, or base-2 system , represents numeric values using two symbols, ̳0‘ and ̳1‘…Owing to its straightforward implementation in digital circuitry using logic gates, the binary system is used internally by all modern computers. ‘Binary numeral System’.<< https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Binary_number>> Accessed: November 8, 2019.

[66] Digital |ˈdɪdʒɪt(ə)l| adjective 1 (of signals or data) expressed as series of the digits 0 and 1, typically represented by values of a physical quantity such as voltage or magnetic polarization. Often contrasted with analogue. relating to, using, or storing data or information in the form of digital signals: digital TV | a digital recording.• involving or relating to the use of computer technology: the digital revolution. 2 (of a clock or watch) showing the time by means of displayed digits rather than hands or a pointer. Three relating to a finger or fingers. ORIGIN: late 15th century: from Latin digitalis, from digitus finger, toe‟. [Angus Stevenson and Christine A. Lindberg (eds) New Oxford American Dictionary Oxford University Press, 2010.Accessed November 10, 2016. http://www.oxfordreference.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/search?source=%2F1 0.1093%2Facref%2F9780195392883.001.0001%2Facref- 9780195392883&q=digital. 

[67] M. A. Lombardi,., L. M. Nelson,., A. N. Novick, , & V. S. Zhang, (2001). Time and frequency measurements using the global positioning system. Paper Presented at the Measurement Science Conference, A Walk Through Time. <http://www.nist.gov/pml/general/time/index.cfm>

[68] David Turnbul quoting Enrique Dussel sees the ‘transmodern’ as a historical era where “modernity and its negated alterity co-realise themselves in the process of mutual creative fertilisation” [Turnbull, 2000]. 

[69] Thomas E. Aylward, The Imperial Guide to Feng Shui & Chinese Asdtrology The Only Authentic Translation from the Original Chinese.London: Watkins Publishing, 2007, 53.

[70] Stephen Jones, Daoist Priest of the Li Family :Ritual Life in Village China, St. Petersburg, FL: 2017, 14-15.

[71] Rey Tiquia, “ The Use of Chrono-acupuncture and Chemotherapy in Treating LungCancer as Kesou (‘Cough’) in Melbourne, Australia : A Clinical Report, ” in Proceedings of the 1st International Conference of Advances in Cancer Medical Research (ACMR2013) . Singapore. November 18-19, 2012 <<https://www.researchgate.net/publication/260423193_The_Use_of_Chronoacupuncture_and_Chemotherapy_in_Treating_Lung_Cancer_as_’Kesou’_’Cough’_in_Melbourne_Australia_A_Clinical_Case_Report>>; Refer as well to Rey Tiquia “Surfing the Oceanic Waves of the Cosmic Breath Under the  Guidance of  the Stem and Branches Calendrical Clock .”.Academic Journal of Feng Shui 1st Symposium – Oceania, University of Technology Sydney, Australia, 13 & 14 May 2017 <<http://ajofengshui.co.nf/wp content/uploads/2017/05/Tiquia_Rey_2017_Surfing_Oceanic_Waves_L_P.pdf>>

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Why Study Chinese Medicine?

A guest post by Élisabeth Rochat de la Vallée (www.elisabeth-rochat.com)

As a scholar more than a practitioner, my knowledge of Chinese medicine is based more on classical texts than on the practice itself, even if I see some patients. But I also meet a great number of practitioners, in various countries, and work with several of them. And I have been a patient of Chinese medicine for more than half a century, during which time I have encountered many people, of diverse origins, who are treated with Chinese medicine.

The Chinese medicine I know and praise, is the “classical Chinese medicine,” a rather different approach from TCM or bio medicine.

Indeed, studying from another viewpoint is always interesting: it questions our convictions, what we too often take as “given,” “natural,” “scientific,” “unquestionable,” “obvious,” or even “the only possibility.” Another way to approach human beings and their health leads us to ask ourselves: How do we know what we know? Where does our knowledge comes from?

This is not about contradicting Western medicine, nor criticizing it; it is rather about extending medicine to areas and in ways which may not have been thought of previously or not given enough consideration. Studying a medicine which for some 2000 years has quite successfully treated billions of people is a good opportunity to deepen and expand Western medicine.

It allows us to change our view on the importance of certain aspects, which are considered as particularly relevant in Chinese medicine:

1) Another view on health and disease.

In Western medicine, a disease is recognizable with a set of symptoms, identified with a name, and can be treated mainly after this official identification, with the appropriate protocol. In the classical Chinese approach, the disease is rather a disorder, an imbalance (in yin yang), with no clear limits between healthy and unhealthy condition other than the seriousness in the lack of equilibrium. It also shows if a person is capable of re-establishing their equilibrium by themselves or if the help of another person is needed. According to the classical Chinese thought, there is no real dichotomy, not even in yin yang.

Health and illness are not considered as two states, with a clear-cut border; one can shift from one condition to the other but – before an illness can be identified with the Western approach – the signs are already there, ready to be read by the penetrating (shrewd) practitioner or understood by the person experiencing the disorder. One can address the situation then, either by themselves or with the help of a therapist. 

And this is strictly connected to the following points:

2) Prevention

Prevention is present at all levels and in every moment. Not only to avoid falling ill––which depends on the personal conduct of life––but, once sick, also to prevent further damage; this belongs to the practitioner’s skill.

3) Nurturing life

The art of nurturing life (yang sheng 養生) is one of the foundations of Chinese medicine, which definitively opts for the care and taste of life rather than focusing on fighting death. Nurturing life is the best possible prevention, especially when it includes an inner work on one’s emotions and spirit.

This is deeply bound to a harmonious relationship with nature. The pattern for the organization of all interactions of the yin yang qi is the natural order. There is a profound analogy between the process of life in natural phenomena and in human beings; therefore, to know, understand and respect the natural order of life is to be aware of our true nature, original organization of qi and also the model for what we ought to be.

Nobody can be really healthy if they are at odds with the environment and their surroundings. It is the function of medicine to help people recognize a toxic surrounding as well as adjust to a viable environment.

4)  Holistic approach

As is widely known, Chinese medicine considers all the aspects of a person: the physical, psychological, mental health are seen as one, responding to the same balance or unbalance in the interaction of Qi.

5) Humaneness

Any therapeutic act is about two human beings interacting with each other. The bond between patient and practitioner takes part – one way or another – in the accuracy of the diagnosis and the effect of the treatment.

To be true therapists, practitioners must constantly work on themselves, to get closer to what it means for them to be a human being, to develop their ability to receive and accept the sick person with all their disorders, without becoming themselves destabilised; thus remaining able to treat them as human beings.

6) Emotions

A human being cannot be considered, treated and cured if the healing transformation does not reach the core of the person, what is usually called the “spirit” (shen 神).

Consequently, emotions are fully integrated in any pathological situation. Emotions, whether at the origin of the disorder, or a consequence of it, or just a customary state of mind (the psychological background of a person), alter the movements of qi. Chinese medicine regulates the movement of qi inside a human being; therefore emotions are part of the diagnosis. A more balanced psychology is normally one of the results of a good treatment. It is radically different from the psychosomatic approach of Western medicine and emphasizes the unity of the human being.

7) Guidance

More than giving simple advice, the practitioner of Chinese medicine educates the patients about what caused the disease and what will restore the balance, so that they may become co-partners in the treatment and even change the conduct of their lives (for instance, through diet or emotion).

8) Diagnosis and treatment

Both diagnosis and treatment are individualised to suit each particular patient; both are an evolving process.

9) Multiple Tools

Chinese medicine combines several therapeutic “tools,” such as pharmacopeia, acupuncture and moxibustion, massages, qigong and Taiji, diet… 

For these aspects of medicine, the Chinese approach is especially rich and interesting. A dialogue between Western and Chinese medicines is therefore highly desirable and advantageous. But a dialogue can only exist when both medicines are fully recognized as such.

Several prerequisites:

  • A text corpus, that contains the knowledge, expresses theories and explains patterns to understand how to proceed to make a diagnosis;
  • Operating procedures and techniques to treat according to the diagnosis;
  • Research based on the corpus and methods of treatment. 

What is often called research on Chinese medicine is in fact research of Western medicine on Chinese medicine. That can be interesting and even fruitful, but it is not real research on Chinese medicine. To scrutinise one aspect of Chinese medicine, with the tools and postulates of Western science cannot qualify––or disqualify––the Chinese approach of health and treatments as true medicine. One medicine cannot receive its value from another but must draw it from itself. 

To continue to study Chinese medicine not only allows the practice of its techniques, knowing how to make a diagnosis and understanding the subsequent treatment, but it also keeps this medicine alive by innovations and renovations that do not alter its essential attributes. 

In summary, here are some reasons to study Chinese medicine:

  • It is an efficient method of treatment, with considerably fewer side effects than Western medicine.
  • It approaches health and disease from a different angle. This is always necessary but even more mandatory in a field where two (or several) human beings interact. Medicine is a science but it must also remain an art.
  • When correctly understood, it offers perspectives and reflections that enrich the whole approach of medicine.

Conclusion

It is vital that classical Chinese medicine should be kept alive and therefore studied seriously.

The study of classical Chinese medicine empowers its own evolution and transformation, but only from its own roots, not as a graft making it merely a scion of Western medicine. 

It allows Chinese medicine to be and remain a true medicine, able to converse with Western medicine (or others).

Not only does it preserve the knowledge, tradition and reflection, but it also contributes to the expansion of human medicine for the future.

If we don’t study (and practice) classical Chinese medicine, it will disappear definitively. It would be a shame not to use its richness to continue to cure people and also to develop the best possible medicine for human beings.

An Old Problem in Indian Medical History Revised

Original guest post by Kenneth Zysk (University of Copenhagen)

I this paper I should like to revisit a problem in the history of Indian medicine, which is yet to find a satisfactory resolution. The issue centres on when and where Āyurveda came into existence and from where all or part of it could have derived, in a word, the origins of Āyurveda.

The Origins of Āyurveda

At the core of classical Āyurveda stands the aetiological theory of the three doṣas (tridoṣa), broadly defined as defilements of wind (vāta), bile (pitta), and phlegm (kapha). Disease is said to occur when for one or several reasons one or more of the doṣas moves from its seat to manifest someplace else in the body. On the surface of it, since the theory includes three well-defined Sanskrit terms, occurring together, it would seem to be a straightforward exercise to trace this transparent mode of thinking in Indian literature prior to the earliest medical treatises, in which the theory was first fully expounded. However, such has not been achieved and at present two opposing theories have been put forth for the origins of the three āyurvedic doṣas.

One maintains that the theory was wholly indigenous to the subcontinent, being embedded in early ideas of four of the five basic elements (mahābhūta): fire (agni) which characterises bile (pitta) and wind (vāyu), universal form of bodily wind (vāta); and perhaps also water (āp) and earth (pṛthivī), which characterise phlegm (kapha). The fifth element, space (ākāśa) is the realm of sound and does not easily fit to one of the doṣas. Sometimes it is paired with five to give bile. This analysis, however, occurs in the second level compilation found n Vāgbhaṭa’s seventh century Aṣṭāṅgahṛdaya Saṃhitā. It is also the point of view of most Indian scholars, while the other, advocated mainly by western scholars, posits that the theory is related to, if not dependent on, Greco-Roman medicine, since in its fundamental conceptual basis, Sanskrit doṣabears a similarity to Greek chymos, which gives rise to the four humours of black bile (melaina cholē), yellow bile (xanthē cholē), phlegm (phlegma), and blood (haima). While blood (rakta) is not counted in the list of three doṣas, Meulenbeld has shown that blood was considered in the same way as the doṣas in the classical Āyurveda.[1]The only missing pairing between Greek-Roman and Indian medicine is the doṣacalled “wind,” which was not one of the humours, but Greek pneumalike Sanskrit prāṇais found in a medical context.

Although Sanskrit doṣaoccurs in its original meaning of “defilement” or “fault” from the period of the early Upaniṣads (c. 800 BCE), its specific medical sense is first expounded in the Sanskrit treatises of Caraka and Suśruta. The medical notion of doṣacould not have come from nowhere, but from where and how.

Putting aside the two opposing points of view, I shall began afresh, starting with an examination of old literary sources in Sanskrit and working my way forward to the first systematic and composite treatises, the Carakaand Suśruta Saṃhitās, which date from around the first centuries before and after the Common Era.

Vedic Medicine

An early form of medicine was represented in the Vedic Saṃhitās from about 1300-800 BCE. Among these primarily religious treatises, there was no single text devoted exclusively to diagnosis and treatment of illness and malady; but rather randomly placed charms and incantations in verse were embedded in the earliest treatises of the Ṛgvedaand Atharvaveda for use in rituals to heal the sick and the suffering. The lack of a single text or texts dedicated to the subject of medicine indicated that healing was part of the overall socio-religious matrix in the earliest Sanskrit literature. On the other hand, only in its broadest underlying conceptual basis does a form of healing utilising incantations and rituals occur in the earliest āyurvedic treatises, especially in the context of maladies affecting children. Moreover, no direct linguistic parallels exist between the Vedic and āyurvedic incantations. This naturally implies that the āyurvedic aetiology of the three doṣas together with the extensive list of remedies based on it could not have derived solely from the medical theories and practices found in the early Vedas.

It must naturally also come from somewhere else. Could then part of the overall conceptual basis have derived from beyond the orbit of the Indian subcontinent, as several early western scholars of Indian medicine maintained? To try to answer this question, we must take the next histoical step and examine the literary sources composed between the Vedic hymns and the earliest medical works. My study therefore included an investigation of the later Vedic treatises of the Brāhmaṇas and Upaniṣads and the literature related to them. A deep study of these texts is still a desideratum, since I merely surveyed the principal texts. The cursory examination of them, however, revealed that there was little in the way of medicine that differed from that found in the Vedic Saṃhitās; and, moreover, there were still no individual texts devoted exclusively to medicine, with the exception of the formulation of the five bodily winds.

Although not a book per se, the fixed group of five bodily winds (apāna, prāṇa, vyāna, samāna, udāna) is a well-established idea that evolved from yogic practices involving breath control or prāṇāyamafirst mentioned in the early Upaniṣads and later picked up and medically altered by the early āyurvedic authors.[2]  The occurrence of the doctrine of the five bodily winds in the medical treatises is simply not enough information to establish the later Vedic literature as the principle and only source for the three doṣas, and therefore it was not a viable place for further investigation. I turn my attention rather to a more promising literature, not in Sanskrit but in the Middle Indic language of Pāli, in which the earliest Buddhist scriptures were composed.

Buddhist Medicine

The Monastic Code or Vinaya Piṭaka of the Buddhist Pāli Canon contained a large section devoted to medicines, along with numerous references to healing theory and practice throughout the earliest parts of the Canon, which probably took shape some centuries before it was written down in Sri Lanka in about 29 BCE. This would place the Buddhist medical doctrines historically immediately prior to and contemporaneous with the earliest āyurvedic treatises.

In summary, these sources revealed the following major points. Already in Pāli Buddist literature there is found:

  1. a presumed understanding of the idea of the three doṣas;
  2. a practical approach to healing indicated in case histories and remedies;
  3. a legend of a famous healer, Jīvaka, which has travelled with Buddhism throughout Asia; and
  4. a clearly defined role of the healing arts in the early Buddhist monastery or Saṅgha.[3]

The content of the Buddhist medical theories and practices points to an important intermediate step in the evolutionary history of Indian medicine from Veda to Āyurveda. Moreover, the medical knowledge was preserved and transmitted not by composers and proponents of Brahmanic doctrines and beliefs, but by knowledgeable and literate ascetics living what appeared for the most part to be a mendicant’s lifestyle. The study of early Buddhist medicine made the Sanskrit tradition that was maintained and transmitted by the Brahmans, even a more unlikely source of early āyurvedic theories and practices.

But, does the Buddhist involvement in early Indian medical history bring us closer to finding the origins of Āyurveda? Only in so far as it localises elements of what later became āyurvedic medicine outside the Sanskritic orbit of brahmanic knowledge. Moreover, it shows that the aetiological tridoṣic theory was already well formulated by the time of earliest Buddhist scriptures. The “smoking gun” that provides the precise origin of the doctrines of Āyurveda is still wanting. So, for time being, we shall have to admit that a direct transmission from one medical text to another may never be found and moreover might never have occurred. Some might say “well then give it up and move on to something else.” I preferred, however, to be more creative and widen the sphere of investigation.

I started to look to other systems of thought and practice that are related but not central to medicine. These include systems of knowledge found in the Indian astral science or Jyotiḥśāstra, especially those parts that have some connection to medicine, such as the divinatory system of human marks or physiognomy.

Although these studies are ongoing, they so far indicate that at least part of the āyurvedic system of medicine in India was shared with other systems of Indian knowledge, which indicate also influence from non-Indian forms of thought in antiquity. Three important points come forth, which show

  1. a literary link between information in the early Sanskrit medical treatises and early Sanskrit astral literature;
  2. a fundamental similarity to systems of physiognomy from ancient Mesopotamia and from ancient Greece; and
  3. a possible dual role played by the Indian doctor as healer and diviner.[4]

Conclusions     

Perhaps we shall never find the precise origins of the āyurvedic theory of the three doṣas and the methods of the cures based on it, but we have come closer to identifying possible, viable places to search for additional information. Moreover, I have become more and more convinced that we should not expect to find a single text or group of texts from which the early Sanskrit medical treatises were translated or on which they were based. Rather we should consider Āyurveda as a medical system that evolved under the influence of fruitful exchanges of important theories and practices of different kinds of healers, such as Jīvaka in the Buddhist legends. It is likely that the exchange continued for centuries at a time when contacts between different healers were possible. This would imply that the interaction was constant and lasted long enough for intellectual exchange and practical learning to take place and be recorded. For the time being, this is perhaps the more realistic approach to the origins of Āyurveda, which could allow us to speculate that the tridoṣa theory resulted from assimilation and adaption, where a Greco-Roman conception of the four humours blended with Indian philosophical notions of the three guṇas or qualities (sattva, rajas, and tamas) and thenfive basic elements (mahābhūta), both of which were well-known among proponents of Sāṃkhya, with whose philosophical notions the composers and compilers of the classical medical texts were conversant. The precise means by which the assimilation took place could indeed be a fruitful topic of exploration.

Bibliography

Meulenbeld, G. J. 1991. “The Constraints of Theory in the Evolution of Nosological Classifications: A Study on the Position of Blood in Indian Medicine (Āyurveda);” in G. J. Meulenbeld, ed. Medical Literature from India, Sri Lanka and Tibet (Leiden: E. J Brill): 91-106.

Zysk, K. 1991. Asceticism and healing in ancient India. Medicine in the Buddhist monastery. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Paperback: New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1991. Indian edition: Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1997, reprint, 2000. [Vol 2 of Indian Medical Tradition]. Second revised edition under preparation.

______________, 1993. “The science of respiration and the doctrine of the vital breaths in ancient India,” JAOS, 113.2: 198-213.

______________, 2000. “”Did ancient Indians have a notion of contagion?”  in Lawrence I. Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, eds., Contagion. Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies(Aldershot, UK: Ashagate), 79-95.

______________. 2007. “The bodily winds in ancient India revisited.” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.): 105-115.

______________. 2016. The India System of Human Marks. Text, translation, and notes. 2 Vols.  Leiden: E.J. Brill [Sir Henry Wellcome Asian Series, Vol. 15].

______________ 2018. “Greek and Indian Physiognomics.” Journal of the American Oriental Society,138.2: 13-325.

Notes

[1]Meulenbeld 1991; cf. Zysk 2000.

[2]Zysk, 1993 and 2007.

[3]Zysk, 1991. I am happy to report that a revised, second edition of this study should be out soon with Motilal Banarsidass.

[4]Zysk 2016.1: 25-53; Zysk 2018.

Magic or Medicine? Malay Healing Practices

Is traditional Malay medicine based on superstition and folklore or grounded in scientific evidence? Nadirah Norruddin uncovers the varying perceptions of Malay medicine in colonial Malaya.

This post first appeared on BiblioAsia. It is syndicated here with permission.

Malay ubat-ubatan (medicine) and healing – which spans many centuries and has been passed down through generations either orally or in written form – is a complex and holistic practice.

Traditional Malay medicine incorporates principles and practices of pharmacology that are highly dependent on indigenous flora and fauna found in the wild.1 Age-old literature and manuscripts – although scarce in number – document the ways in which plants, animals and minerals2 native to the Malay Archipelago have been part and parcel of its healing practices. At the heart of Malay ubat-ubatanis the amalgamation of complex Islamic and Hindu beliefs and practices presided over by traditional or faith healers.

Colonial scholars and administrators in 20th-century Malaya were invariably conflicted in their perceptions of traditional Malay medicine. Local sources and interpretations were frequently overlooked, and this has in turn affected the way in which traditional Malay medicine has been studied and understood for decades. Some defined ubat-ubatan as remedies administered according to the principles of chemistry and scientific evidence, while others dismissed such healing practices as belonging to the realm of magic and the supernatural. For the most part, the British regarded traditional Malay medicine with suspicion and antithetic to its Western counterpart.

As a result, the practice and form of traditional Malay medicine underwent dramatic changes under colonial rule. Legislations, for instance – shaped by altruism or bigotry, but more likely a combination of the two – were introduced by the British to stamp out traditional Malay healing practices and regulate village healers.

The Spread of Islam and Malay Medicine

The adoption of Islam in the Malay Archipelago from the 13th century onwards not only introduced a new religious doctrine to the region, but also fostered a pan-Islamic identity and defined new parameters for the spiritual, social and economic way of life of its inhabitants. Gradually, Islam became syncretised with the prevailing belief systems of the Malay world.

Western scholars of the time held the view that the Malay community adopted a hybridised form of Islam. In his address before the Straits Philosophical Society in 1896, English orientalist and linguist Charles O. Blagden postulated that Malays were “only superficially Muhammadan” as their folk rituals were “unorthodox” and “pagan” in relation to the basic tenets of Islam.3 Such an assertion, however, simplifies the complex understanding and expressions of a dynamic and multifaceted faith.

Medicine in Islam is characterised by a history of enquiry, innovation and adaptation. This is reflected in the ease in which indigenous healers adopted and adapted Islamic symbolism in their practices. In the Malay Peninsula, ceremonies overseen by the pawang (or shaman) include Quranic incantations and prayers addressed solely to God, even though most other aspects of the rituals are Hindu-Buddhist or pre-Indic in character.

Although the origins are unclear, the Malay method of healing is mainly administered by the traditional medicine man or bomoh (see text box), who derives his knowledge from either ilmu turun (inherited knowledge) or ilmu tuntut (apprenticeship) and, in some instances, complemented by the Kitab Tibb (The Book of Medicine).

There are numerous versions of Kitab Tibb manuscripts found in the Malay Archipelago. Mostly written between 1786 and 1883, these broadly outline three main types of healing practices: those using natural resources such as plants and herbs; those relying on wafaq (written symbols or amulets); and healing practices using Quranic verses, supplications and salawat (blessings to the Prophet). All these techniques can be used simultaneously or separately.4

The earliest edition of the Kitab Tibb was written on 12 wooden sheets, and prescribed medications based on plants, herbs and spices commonly found in the region. The manuscript also includes a list of dietary restrictions and a variety of taboos (pantang larang) the afflicted should observe.5 By the 19th century, surviving copies of the Kitab Tibb in the Malay Peninsula were known to contain detailed observations by the bomoh, including visual representations of disease symptoms as well as the appropriate incantations.

Types of Healing

Traditional Malay healing offers a holistic, multifaceted and ecological solution to a multitude of illnesses and ailments. It comprises aspects of the spiritual, such as magic, shamanism and the supernatural, and the empirical, such as dietetics and herbalism, which can be scientifically explained.

Although Islam may have encouraged the use and incorporation of nature in traditional Malay medicine, natural remedies were already widely used in local healing practices and rituals prior to the arrival of Islam in the Malay world. For example, common plants, herbs and spices like bonglai (Zinggibar cassumunar) had been used to treat migraine, cough and gastrointestinal problems for centuries.

As observed by British physician John D. Gimlette in his book, Malay Poisons and Charm Cures (1915),6  bomohs used rattan splints for simple fractures and wood ash as an antiseptic dressing. When a baby was delivered by a bidan or midwife, the umbilical cord is cut with a bamboo stem and the stump dusted with wood ash or a paste made of pepper, ginger and turmeric.

Islamic medical science introduced new concepts to the pre-existing knowledge of the human body and the environment. The seeds of Islamic medicine and healing can be traced back to the Quran, the underlying philosophy of using flora and fauna in natural remedies grounded in the belief in Allah as the Creator of Nature. As such, tapping on the healing properties of the earth has been a long-standing aspect of the Islamic medical tradition. One of the verses from Surah An-nahl (16:69) of the Quran reads thus:

“Then eat from all the fruits and follow the ways of your Lord laid down [for you]. There emerges from their (bees) bellies a drink, varying in colours, in which there is healing for people. Indeed, in that there is a sign for people who give thought.”

Ancient medical texts in the Malay world did not have specific titles but were generally referred to as Kitab Tibb and primarily consisted of translations from Persian and Indian sources. Different manuscripts prescribed different courses of treatment even for the same ailments. Interestingly, the vast array of natural sources described in these manuscripts are likely still in use today in the Malay Peninsula, either as supplements or natural remedies.

The Andalusian botanist and pharmacist Ibn al-Baytar’s pharmacopeia, titled Compendium of Simple Medicaments and Foods and published in the 13th century, is still a widely consulted text in the world of Malay healing today. It lists 1,400 plants, foods and drugs, and their uses, organised alphabetically by the name of the plant or plant component.

Apart from their knowledge of humoural theory (see text box) and botany, traditional Malay healers also offered spiritual healing to cure the sick. The belief is that animate and inanimate objects, including the physical body, possess semangat (a vital force or soul). The loss of semangat can be detrimental to one’s physical and mental well-being.

A healer is purportedly able to manipulate and revive the semangat of the sick – particularly those suffering from mental and spiritual ailments. To treat patients who might have been “disturbed” by unseen forces, healers invoke supernatural entities through jampi (incantations), spells and elaborate rituals. Such ceremonies may sometimes take the form of a public event, witnessed by the entire village and accompanied by loud music. The public nature of such rituals was often derided by colonial administrators and scholars, who saw these practices as primitive and irrational or, as Gimlette puts it, “circumvent[ing] Muhammadan tenets”.7

The Cultural and Scientific Divide

There is a paucity of comprehensive written records of traditional Malay healing as much of it have not survived the ravages of time. Whatever extant Malay manuscripts – mostly inherited and passed down orally from one generation to the next (ilmu turun) or by way of apprenticeship (ilmu tuntut) – along with books and documents authored by colonial scholars, provide the only window into the ancient practices and beliefs of the Malay world.

In striving to achieve a balance of the body, mind, health and spirit, traditional Malay medicine does not differ much from Ayurvedic, Chinese and Hippocratic traditions that emphasise the same – especially with regard to humoural theory. Colonial writings, however, have tended to focus on Malay folk religion and animism, centering their writing around the use of amulets, incantations, charms and sorcery by the community.

The late 19th to early 20th centuries saw a significant output in research by colonial scholars who studied Malay belief systems and healing practices. The body of ideas and literature generated by these early observers were often biased, filled with racist sentiments or tinged with romanticism, although some scholars were of the view that the sudden rise in writings on Malay magic and medicine was simply an effort at documenting the “primitive” and vanishing aspects of the social and cultural lifestyles of the Malays.8

The use of magic and the fervent belief in religion among Malays have often been cited as stumbling blocks to the development and progress of the community. In his September 1896 report from Kuala Langat, Selangor, where he worked in the Straits Settlements civil service, English anthropologist Walter W. Skeat made the overtly racist remark that “indolent and ignorant Malays” needed to be “saved from themselves”, and attributed the “many crippled lives and early deaths” to the “evil influence of the horde of bomors”.9 In fact, Skeat believed that increasing “contact with European civilisation” by the local Malay tribes had diminished their use of charms and spells.10

Biased perceptions of traditional Malay society, such as its healing practices, could have been used by the British to justify its political domination and imperialist motives.11 There were, however, several scholars such as Thomas N. Annandale and John D. Gimlette, who acknowledged the benefits and scientific merit of traditional Malay medicine.12 Both men were heavily involved in fieldwork and were well known for their research on traditional Malay medicine. Gimlette referenced local sources, including Kelatanese manuscripts, for his book Malay Poisons and Charm Cures (1915), which today remains a classic and definitive reference guide to the practices of Malay healers. As the use of some herbs and plants could lead to fatal consequences, Gimlette’s study of the wild varieties of vegetation in the Malay Archipelago opened up a new field of study for physiologists and pharmacologists.13

An attempt to comprehend the Malay pathological framework for medicine and disease is also evident in Percy N. Gerrard’s medical dictionary, A Vocabulary of Malay Medical Terms (1905).14 As a medical professional, Gerrard’s efforts were borne out of the desire to understand his patients’ medical ssues from a scientific and cultural point of view. This enabled him to treat his patients using Malay herbal medicine whenever necessary. Gerrard drew parallels to Western medicine and, in doing so, lent credibility to Malay practices and beliefs – at least in the eyes of the colonial administrators.

Like Gimlette, Gerrard praised the Malays’ profound understanding of plants and herbs, and highlighted the medicinal value of these untapped sources and the native knowledge of local medicine. Despite his affirmations of the scientific value of herbs in Malay healing, Gerrard felt that the community’s belief in the supernatural was an impediment to British acceptance of traditional Malay medicine and healers.

It is clear that colonial observers of 20th-century Malaya have largely contexualised their understanding and knowledge of Malay medicine against Western markers. This cultural chasm was mainly due to a lack of empathy and the inability to comprehend the complexities behind the religious rituals and healing systems of indigenous groups. For the most part, Malay healing practices were regarded as superstitions and folklore that could not be explained by scientific theories. Hence over time, some traditional Malay healers co-opted the language of religion15 and, eventually, science into their practice in order to gain wider acceptance by their Western critics.

Legislating Malay Medicine

Although Western medical services were gradually introduced to the local population, most Malays continued to consult their community healers as they allegedly had “complete faith in their own particular charms and cures” and “dread[ed] hospitals, doctors and western medicines”.16 As traditional healers were also involved in non-medical matters such as state, social and cultural affairs, they occupied an esteemed position in the indigenous communities they served.17

Healing Practices 

One of the most notable Malay medical manuscripts translated into English is Ismail Munshi’s The Medical Book of Malayan Medicine. Originally written in Jawi (c. 1850), it contains over 550 remedies for maladies ranging from migraines to depression, bloatedness and leprosy.

For Violent Headaches and Loss of Energy For Dizziness and Vertigo For Night Chills
Ingredients Cumin seeds (5 cents)Garlic (10 cents)

Indian hemp

Ginger

Smilax china

Mace (35 cents), Nutmeg (5 cents)

Henbane

Javanese ginger

5 young shoots of betel vineRed onion

Fennel seeds

Daun medan (root of an unidentified plant)7 kernels of the fruit of the candle nut
Method Pound all ingredients together and mix with honey to form into tablets. Patient to take tablets until course of treatment is complete. Grind finely. Place the pulp on a piece of cloth. Squeeze the juice into the patient’s eyes for three days. Reduce both ingredients to fine pulp. Apply to patient’s head.

Reference

Burkill, I.H., & Ismail Munshi. (1930). The medical book of Malayan medicine. Singapore: Botanic Gardens. (Call no.: RCLOS 615.3209595 MED)

By the turn of the 20th century, the British had become more receptive to Malay healing practices. Although dismissive of the efficacy of traditional Malay medicine, the British were aware that traditional healers formed the backbone of a long-established support system that locals could turn to in times of physical, emotional and spiritual distress.

A significant example would be the role of the bidan, or midwife, in the community. Before the colonial government set up a maternity hospital in 1888, the demands of pregnancy – ranging from prenatal care to actual delivery and postpartum care – were handled by bidans.

Although colonial medical officers acknowledged the importance of bidans, they were concerned that these midwives were operating under unsanitary conditions. In the early 20th century, a surge in the infant mortality rate was mainly attributed to traditional midwifery practices: many babies died from Tetanus neonatorum (umbilical infection).18  The authorities thought it imperative that bidans be trained and supervised to reduce maternal and infant mortality rates, and to develop trust and spread awareness of Western medical services among Malay mothers.

Under the Midwives Ordinance enacted in the Straits Settlements in 1915, all bidans had to be registered with the Central Midwives Board and undergo in-service training. Local women were also trained in biomedicine, midwifery and nursing in order to replace the traditional role of the bidan. The intention was not to encourage women to deliver in hospitals (due to a lack of beds and facilities), but rather to establish a pool of trained and licensed midwives who could recognise complications during pregnancy and refer the women to the hospitals if necessary. By the 1920s, mobile dispensaries as well as home and school visits were available to communities living in rural areas, and public campaigns were mounted to ensure that people had access to medicine and healthcare.

By 1936, there were 720 trained midwives in Singapore, 574 in Penang and 224 in Malacca. Despite these efforts, traditional bidans were still sought after by Malayan women in the subsequent decades due to the personal nature of the antenatal and postnatal services they provided, including up to six weeks after delivery.

Two other legislations introduced by the colonial government further threatened the existence of traditional healers and the provision of traditional medicine. Under the Sale of Food and Drugs Ordinance that came into force in 1914, the sale of adulterated drugs was deemed an offence “if the purchaser [was] not fully informed of the nature of adulteration at time of purchase”.19 The second legislation, the Poisons Ordinance of 1938 “regulate[d] the possession and sales of potent medicinal substances, to prevent misuse or illicit diversion of poisons”.20

These laws compromised the role of traditional Malay healers in the community, especially given the latent suspicions surrounding Malay medicine. However, due to the high costs involved in establishing an islandwide public healthcare system, the British authorities were rather lax at enforcing these legislations, and allowed itinerant and home-based traditional healers to continue practising their craft.

With the introduction of Western-style healthcare, including clinics and hospitals, and the increasing availability of over-the-counter medications from the turn of the 20th century onwards, traditional Malay healing played a smaller role in the lives and rhythms of the community.

State controls and the exposure to Western education further put paid to the services of traditional Malay healers. Although their numbers have drastically dwindled over the years, traditional Malay medicine continues to play an ancillary – and occasionally complementary – role to Western medicine today for those who recognise its efficacy in providing ritual care and treating spiritual ailments and conditions not yet acknowledged in Western medical science.

Humoural Theory and Malay Medicine
Humoural theory, which is one of the oldest theories of medicine, is organised around the four humours – blood, phlegm, yellow bile and black bile – and is associated with the four elements of earth (flesh), water (phlegm), air/wind (temperament), and fire (blood). The four elements are in turn paired up with the four qualities of cold, hot, moist and dry. Each individual has a particular humoural makeup, or “constitution”. As optimal health is attained when the humours are in harmonious balance, any imbalance of the humours may result in disease and sickness.In one of the earliest Malayan accounts of humoural theory, English scholar Thomas J. Newbold describes Malay medicine as being based on the fundamental “principle of ’preserving the balance of power’ within the four elements, specifically, air, fire, water and earth”.21 This ranges from the consumption of certain hot or cold foods (such as meat and fruit respectively), hot and cold temperatures, wind, micro-organisms and supernatural forces. Dry chills and dizzy spells arise when the “earth” element is too strong and from ailments such as cholera and dysentery, which are caused by excessive heat and moisture from the “air”.22 Consuming large amounts of food that contain “air” may cause feebleness in some. The plants and herbs prescribed by Malay healers help to revitalise and restore these imbalances in the human body.
Pawang, Bomoh And BidanTraditional Malay healers are the main providers of Malay medicine. To achieve the necessary credentials, some have resorted to living in solitude, spending their time meditating, fasting or putting themselves through strict dietary regimens – all in the name of spiritual cleansing. Healers are also expected to have an extensive knowledge of botany and nature so that they can classify and identify the right plants and herbs as well as their healing properties, and prescribe the correct remedies.

Pawang

A pawang is commonly defined as a shaman or general practitioner of magic who incorporates incantations into his craft. He is usually involved in conducting agricultural rituals and divination ceremonies to sanctify the village. Pawangs have also been referred to as “wizards” by scholars such as Richard J. Wilkinson for their ability to manipulate the course of nature through the use of incantations and divination practices.

Dukun/Bomoh

A dukun or bomoh is a general practitioner who treats fevers, headaches, broken bones, spirit possession and various ailments. The skills and reputation of a dukun/bomoh stem from the person’s knowledge of humoural medicine, the healing properties of local flora and fauna as well as syncretic ritual incantations. Some were well known for their treatment of victims of sorcery. The bomoh akar kayu (the latter words meaning “roots” in Malay) is known for his expertise in gathering and preparing ubat-ubatan from plants and herbs In his book, A Descriptive Dictionary of British Malaya (1894), Nicholas B. Dennys compares the dukun to “being on par with witch doctors of history”. Although the dukun has been generally described in disparaging terms by Western scholars, a small minority saw the merits of these traditional healers. Percy N. Gerrard defines the “doctor” as a bomoh, dukun or pawang in his dictionary, A Vocabulary of Malay Medical Terms (1905).

Bidan

Also known as “Mak Bidan” or “dukun beranak”, these midwives specialise in women’s health matters, including fecundity, midwifery and contraception, along with a variety of beauty-related disorders. Up till the 1950s, it was common for mothers in Singapore to deliver their babies at home with the help of village midwives. Today, the role of these women is limited to providing antenatal and postnatal care, such as confinement services for new mothers or general massage therapies.

References

Dennys, N.B. (1894). A descriptive dictionary of British Malaya (p. 104). London: London and China Telegraph. [Microfilm nos.: NL7464, NL25454].

Gerrard, P.N. (1905). A vocabulary of Malay medical terms (p. 24). Singapore: Kelly & Walsh. (Microfilm no.: NL27512)

Skeat, W.W. (1900). Malay magic: Being an introduction to the folklore and popular religion of the Malay Peninsula (pp. 424–425). London: Macmillan and Co., Limited. (Call no.: RCLOS 398.4 SKE-[GH])

Wilkinson, R.J. (1908–10). Papers on Malay subjects. [First series, 4], Life and customs (p. 1). Kuala Lumpur: Printed at the F.M.S. Govt. Press. (Microfilm no.: NL263).

References

Bala, A. (Ed.) (2013). Asia, Europe, and the emergence of modern science: Knowledge crossing boundaries. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. (Call no.: RSEA 509.5 ASI)

Haliza Mohd Riji. (2000). Prinsip dan amalan dalam perubatan Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Malaya. (Call no.: Malay RSEA 615.88209595 HAL)

Harun Mat Piah. (2006). Kitab tib: Ilmu perubatan Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia: Kementerian Kebudayaan, Kesenian, dan Warisan Malaysia. (Call no.: Malay R 615.880899928 HAR)

Manderson, L. (1996). Sickness and the state: Health and illness in colonial Malaya, 1870–1940. New York: Cambridge University Press. (Call no.: RSEA 362.1095951 MAN)

Matheson, V., & Hooker, M. (1988). Jawi literature in Patani: The maintenance of an Islamic tradition. Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 61(1)(254), 1–86. Retrieved from JSTOR via NLB’s eResources website.

McHugh, J.N. (1955). Hantu hantu: An account of ghost belief in modern Malaya. Singapore: Donald Moore. (Call no.: RCLOS 398.47 MAC-[RFL])

Mohd. Affendi Mohd.Shafri & Intan Azura Shahdan. (Eds.). (2017). Malay medical manuscripts: Heritage from the garden of healing. Kajang, Selangor, Malaysia: Akademi Jawi Malaysia. (Call no.: RSEA 610.95 INT)

Muhamad Zakaria & Mustafa Ali Mohd. (1992). Tumbuhan dan perubatan tradisional. Kuala Lumpur: Fajar Bakti. (Call no.: Malay RSING 615.88209595 MUH)

Ong, H.T. (Ed.). (2011). To heal the sick: The story of healthcare and doctors in Penang. Georgetown: Penang Medical Practitioners’ Society. (Call no.: RSEA 362.1095951 TO)

Owen, N. G. (Eds.). (1987). Death and disease in Southeast Asia : explorations in social, medical and demographic history. Singapore: Oxford University Press. (Call no.: 301.3220959 DEA)

Mohd. Taib Osman. (1989). Malay folk beliefs: An integration of disparate elements. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia. (Call no.: RSEA 398.4109595 MOH)

Tuminah Sapawi. (1997, January 8). Bidan kampung now offers massage and other rituals. The Straits Times, p. 17. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.

Wilkinson, R.J. (1908–10). Papers on Malay subjects. [First series, 4], Life and customs (p. 1). Kuala Lumpur: Printed at the F.M.S. Govt. Press. [Microfilm no.: NL 263].

Notes

  1. The World Health Organization defines traditional medicine (also known as folk, indigenous or alternative medicine) as “the sum total of the knowledge, skill, and practices based on the theories, beliefs, and experiences indigenous to different cultures, whether explicable or not, used in the maintenance of health as well as in the prevention, diagnosis, improvement or treatment of physical and mental illness”. Herbal medicines include “herbs, herbal materials, herbal preparations and finished herbal products that contain as active ingredients parts of plant, or other plant materials or combinations”. See World Health Organization. (2018). Traditional, complementary and integrative medicine. Retrieved from World Health Organization website.
  2. The Kitab Permata from 19th-century Patani (southern Thailand) discusses the characteristics and medicinal properties of gemstones, minerals and metals. The text is commonly used by traditional healers in the north coast of the Malay Peninsula.
  3. Blagden, C.O. (1896, July). Notes on the folk-lore and popular religion of the Malays. Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 29, 1. Retrieved from JSTOR via NLB’s eResources website.
  4. Malay healers used Quranic verses to supplement the efficacy of herbs and medicinal plants. Supplications remain at the heart of Malay healing. A healer may choose to use only plants and herbs with supplications but without wafaq, while another may use fewer plants and herbs and more wafaq in his practice.
  5. A prominent Patani scholar, Sheikh Ahmad al-Fathani, laboured his discourse in Islamic knowledge with the science of medicine. His manuscript, Tayyib al-Ihsan fi Tibb al-Insan, which was produced in 1895, was widely consulted by traditional healers in 20th-century Malaya.
  6. John D. Gimlette was a physician who resided in the Malay state of Kelantan for many years and was extremely interested in the subject of Malay poisons, sorcery and cures. See Gimlette, J.D. (1915). Malay poisons and charm cures. London: J. & A. Churchill. (Call no.: RRARE 398.4 GIM-[JSB])
  7. Gimlette, 1915, p. 106.
  8. Winzeler, R.L. (1983). The study of Malay magic. Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde, 139 (4), 435–458, p. 436. Retrieved from JSTOR via NLB’s eResources website.
  9. Malay “doctors”. (1896, September 22). The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, p. 4. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
  10. Skeat, W.W. (1900). Malay magic: Being an introduction to the folklore and popular religion of the Malay Peninsula (pp. 424–425). London: Macmillan and Co., Limited. (Call no.: RCLOS 398.4 SKE-[GH])
  11. Winzeler, 1983, p. 447.
  12. Thomas N. Annandale was a Scottish zoologist, entomologist, anthropologist and herpetologist, who became interested in Malay animism, related magical lore and curers.
  13. From pineapples (Ananassa sativa) and keladi (Alocasia denudata) to cheraka (Plumbaginasea), the poisons Gimlette examined have been described to contain active ingredients useful in the study of modern medicine.
  14. Gerrard, P.N. (1905). A vocabulary of Malay medical terms. Singapore: Kelly & Walsh. (Microfilm no.: NL27512)
  15. Anthropologist Thomas Fraser notes that in village processions led by the pawang who is healing a physically ill or possessed patient, the imam(Islamic worship leader) is also involved to officiate the ritual from a religious perspective. This prevents any possible conflict with Islamic beliefs that may border on shirk (idolatory or Polytheism).
  16. Why fewer babies are now dying in Singapore. (1935, July 21). The Straits Times, p. 13. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
  17. In the Malay villages, traditional healers were involved in sanctifying the village via ceremonies and rituals, and were also involved in the affairs of the state. Known as the Maharaja Lela in Selangor or Sultan Muda in Perak, a bomoh enjoyed unfettered entry into the palace compounds.
  18. Owen, N.G. (Ed.). (1987). Death and disease in Southeast Asia: Explorations in social, medical and demographic history (p. 258). Singapore: Oxford University Press. (Call no.: RSING 301.3220959 DEA)
  19. Singapore. The Statutes of the Republic of Singapore. (1987, March 30). Sale of Drugs Act (Cap 282, 1985 Rev. ed.). Retrieved from Singapore Statutes Online website.
  20. Singapore. The Statutes of the Republic of Singapore. (1999, December 30). Poisons Act (Cap 234, 1999 Rev. ed.). Retrieved from Singapore Statutes Online website.
  21. Newbold, T.J. (2015). Political and statistical account of the British settlements in the Straits of Malacca, viz. Pinang, Malacca, and Singapore, with a history of the Malayan states on the peninsula of Malacca vol, 2 of 2 (p. 242). London: Forgotten Books. (Call no.: RSING 959.5 NEW)
  22. Squeamishness, heartburn and fevers arise when the “fire” element is too strong. The “water” element causes damp chills and vomiting.

A Brief Review of Related Issues on the Problematic Tang Ye Jing 湯液經

The title printed on the front cover, i.e. Yi Yin Tang Ye Jing 伊尹湯液經 (Yi Yin’s Classic of Decoction). Below the title are the five characters ‘Yi Qian Ge Juan Zhuan 一錢閣鐫傳’ (Engraved and Issued by the One-Coin Pavilion).

The title printed on the front cover, i.e. Yi Yin Tang Ye Jing 伊尹湯液經 (Yi Yin’s Classic of Decoction). Below the title are the five characters ‘Yi Qian Ge Juan Zhuan 一錢閣鐫傳’ (Engraved and Issued by the One-Coin Pavilion).

A guest blog by Di Lu

Many scholars and practitioners of Chinese medicine now consider the Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction) as the basic reference for Zhang Ji’s 張機 (style name: Zhongjing 仲景, c. 150-219 AD) Shang Han Lun 傷寒論 (Discourse on Cold Damage). But is such an opinion on the relationship between the two texts unquestionable?

On the Anonymous Text Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction)

The Tang Ye Jing (Classic of Decoction) has long been lost since the Eastern Han Dynasty (25-220 AD). The ‘Yiwen Zhi 藝文志’ (Bibliographical Treatise) of the Han Shu 漢書 (History of the [Former/Western] Han Dynasty, c. late 1st century and early 2nd centuries AD) simply records the Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction, in 32 juan 卷 [volumes], without author information), and groups it with the other ten medical works under the title of jing fang 經方 (classical prescriptions). Many later authors mentioned the bibliographic record of this text in the Han Shu (Book of Han); but none of them reported his/her reading of the text (strictly under the title of ‘Tang Ye Jing Fa’, or under a similar title [e.g. Tang Ye Jing 湯液經] but containing the same number of volumes), or introduced the content of the text.

On the Text Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction) by Yi Yin 伊尹

At least from the Southern Song dynasty (1127-1279 AD) onward, so far as known, authors of Shi Wu Ji Yuan 事物紀原 (Origins of Things and Matters, first printed in 1197 AD), Yi Shui 醫說 (Discourse on Medicine, 1224 AD) and other works attributed the text entitled Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction; NOTE: lacking the character fa 法) to Yi Yin 伊尹 (c. 1649- c. 1549 BC), without offering any reasons or additional information, without basing such a claim on the above bibliographic record in the Han Shu (History of the [Former/Western] Han Dynasty). But similarly, no one in pre-modern China left a bibliographic record of this text, and/or spoke of any specific content of the text. Did this Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction) ever exist? If so, is it the same as the Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction)? If so, why does the above bibliographic record in the Han Shu (History of the [Former/Western] Han Dynasty) not ascribe authorship to Yi Yin?

On Yi Yin’s 伊尹 Authorship of Tang Ye 湯液 (Decoction), Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 and Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法

Modern proponents of the Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction) as the progenitor of Zhang Ji’s Shang Han Lun 傷寒論 (Discourse on Cold Damage), as mentioned above, often invoke the following words in Huangfu Mi’s 皇甫谧 (215-282 AD) preface to his own work Zhen Jiu Jia Yi Jing 鍼灸甲乙經 (Classic of Acupuncture and Moxibustion, Selected and Arranged):

Zhong Jing Lun Guang Yi Yin Tang Ye Wei Shi Shu Juan, Yong Zhi Duo Yan.

仲景論廣伊尹湯液為十數卷, 用之多驗.

[Zhang] Zhongjing expanded Yi Yin’s Decoction into more than ten volumes, which were mostly effective in practice.

Lin Yi’s 林億 (active in the 11 century AD) preface to Zhang Ji’s Shang Han Lun (Discourse on Cold Damage) adopts the above words of Huangfu Mi, and adds that ‘Zhong Jing Ben Yi Yin Zhi Fa 仲景本伊尹之法’ ([Zhang] Zhongjing’s [medical knowledge] is rooted in Yi Yin’s norms). The proponents often acquiesce in the equation of the Tang Ye 湯液 (Decoction) with the Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction) or Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法(Models of the Classic of Decoction). In this way, Tang Ye (Decoction) becomes an abbreviation of the latter text title; and Yi Yin also becomes the author of Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction).

However, Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction) consists of 32 juan 卷 (volumes); while Zhang Zhongjing’s expanded edition of Yi Yin’s Tang Ye 湯液 (Decoction) merely contain more than ten juan 卷 (volumes). How could Yi Yin’s Tang Ye 湯液 (Decoction) or Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction) be the same as the anonymous Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction)? Why do extant editions of Zhang Ji’s preface to his own work Shang Han Lun (Discourse on Cold Damage) contain no words of the text Tang Ye 湯液 (Decoction), Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction), or Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction)?

Copyright page A, showing the book title Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction), the words ‘Yang Shao Yi Fu Zi Kao Ci 楊紹伊夫子考次’ (Compiled by Teacher Yang Shaoyi) and ‘Di Zi Li Ding Jing Shu 弟子李鼎敬署’ (Respectfully Signed by [Yang’s] Student Li Ding).

Copyright page A, showing the book title Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction), the words ‘Yang Shao Yi Fu Zi Kao Ci 楊紹伊夫子考次’ (Compiled by Teacher Yang Shaoyi) and ‘Di Zi Li Ding Jing Shu 弟子李鼎敬署’ (Respectfully Signed by [Yang’s] Student Li Ding).

On the Reconstruction of Yi Yin’s Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 in 1948

In 1948, Yang Shiyin’s 楊師尹 (style name: Shaoyi 紹伊, 1888-1949) reconstruction of Yi Yin’s Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction), supplemented by Liu Fu 劉復 (style name: Minshu 民叔, 1897-1960), was published by Liu’s Yiqian Ge 一錢閣 (One-Coin Pavilion). This is the only reconstruction of the text Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction), which is believed by some people to be written by Yi Yin, and/or to have truly existed and given birth to Zhang Ji’s Shang Han Lun (Discourse on Cold Damage). Its main text has 160 pages.

The book title printed on the front cover of this reconstruction is ‘Yi Yin Tang Ye Jing 伊尹湯液經’ (Yi Yin’s Classic of Decoction); while the title shown on the copyright pages and the first page of the main text is ‘Tang Ye Jing 湯液經’ (Classic of Decoction).

All images here are from the original edition (1948) of the reconstruction of the Yi Yin Tang Ye Jing 伊尹湯液經 (Yi Yin’s Classic of Decoction) or Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction) in 1948.

The 1948 reconstruction of the Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction) now has the following two modern versions (the latter one has adjusted the original title to another):

  • Yi Yin Tang Ye Jing 伊尹湯液經 (Yi Yin’s Classic of Decoction), in: Liu Min Shu Yi Shu He Ji 劉民叔醫書合集 (Collection of Liu Minshu’s Medical Works), Chen Guangtao et al. (eds.), Tianjin: Tianjin Kexue Jishu Chubanshe, 2011, pp. 201-345.
  • Tang Ye Jing Gou Kao 湯液經鈎考 (A Study of the Collected Text of the Classic of Decoction), Chen Juwei and Guo Yujing (eds.), Forewarded by Qiu Hao, Beijing: Xueyuan Chubanshe, 2011, Pp. 242.

Yang Shiyin’s 楊師尹 (style name: Shaoyi 紹伊) name indicates Yang’s admiration of Yi Yin. Literally, Shiyin 師尹 means imitating [Yi] Yin; and Shaoyi 紹伊 means introducing Yi [Yin]. According to Yang Shiyin’s own introductory chapter in the reconstructed text,

The first page of the main text, showing the following information: ‘Shang Yi Yin Zhu 商伊尹著’ (Written by Yi Yin of the Shang Dynasty), ‘Cheng Du Yang Shi Yin Shao Yi Kao Ci 成都楊師尹紹伊考次’ (Compiled by Yang Shiyin of Chengdu, whose style name is Shaoyi), and ‘Hua Yang Liu Fu Min Shu Bu Xiu 華陽劉復民叔補修’ (Supplemented by Liu Fu of Huayang, whose style name is Minshu).

The first page of the main text, showing the following information: ‘Shang Yi Yin Zhu 商伊尹著’ (Written by Yi Yin of the Shang Dynasty), ‘Cheng Du Yang Shi Yin Shao Yi Kao Ci 成都楊師尹紹伊考次’ (Compiled by Yang Shiyin of Chengdu, whose style name is Shaoyi), and ‘Hua Yang Liu Fu Min Shu Bu Xiu 華陽劉復民叔補修’ (Supplemented by Liu Fu of Huayang, whose style name is Minshu).

  1. the full title of the text Tang Ye 湯液 (Decoction) mentioned by Huangfu Mi should be Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction);
  2. the author of the Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction) was Yi Yin of the Shang dynasty (c. 1600-1046 BC);
  3. the Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction, 32 volumes) was a later text composed on the basis on Yi Yin’s Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction) and containing all the content of the latter;
  4. the Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction) still existed in the Eastern Han dynasty, and enabled Zhang Ji to read it and expand its content; Shang Han Lun (Discourse on Cold Damage) was not ‘written’ by Zhang Ji, but an expansion of the Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction);
  5. Yang Shiyin’s reconstruction of the text Tang Ye Jing 湯液經, alleged by Yang to be comprised of Yi Yin’s Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction) and extended words by Zhang Ji, was reconstructed on the basis of Wang Shuhe’s 王叔和 (c. 210-285 AD) Mai Jing 脈經 (Classic of the Pulse) and Sun Simiao’s 孫思邈 (581-682 AD) Qian Jin Yi Fang 千金翼方 (Supplement to Prescriptions Worth a Thousand Gold, c. 682) (Wang and Sun’s texts contain words from Zhang Ji’s Shang Han Lun [Discourse on Cold Damage]).

The above points are arbitrary and speculative. None of them is solidly convincing. In particular, the Mai Jing (Classic of the Pulse) adverts to neither Yi Yin nor the Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction). And only the 26th chapter of the Qian Jin Yi Fang (Supplement to Prescriptions Worth a Thousand Gold) mentions ‘Gu Ren Yi Yin Tang Ye 古人伊尹湯液’ (the ancient man Yi Yin’s Decoction), which, however, is not connected with origins of the content of the Qian Jin Yi Fang. Moreover, as mentioned above, extant editions of Zhang Ji’s preface to his Shang Han Lun (Discourse on Cold Damage) also makes no mention of the text Tang Ye 湯液 (Decoction), Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction), or Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction). Some scholars also treat Yang’s opinions, methodology and reconstruction with caution, as evidenced by Qiu Hao’s foreword to the Tang Ye Jing Gou Kao 湯液經鈎考 (A Study of the Collected Text of the Classic of Decoction, Chen Juwei and Guo Yujing eds., Beijing: Xueyuan Chubanshe, 2011, pp. 1-16) and Feng Shilun’s foreword to the Jie Du Yi Yin Tang Ye Jing 解讀伊尹湯液經 (Interpreting Yi Yin’s Classic of Decoction, Feng Shilun 馮世綸 ed., Beijing: Xueyuan Chubanshe, 2009, pp. i-iv).

On the Manuscript Fu Xing Jue Zang Fu Yong Yao Fa 輔行訣臟腑用藥法要 (Auxiliary Knacks of Essential Drug Usage for Viscera)

A text often associated with academic discussions of the Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction) is the manuscript Fu Xing Jue Zang Fu Yong Yao Fa 輔行訣臟腑用藥法要 (Auxiliary Knacks of Essential Drug Usage for Viscera, hereinafter FXJ), which is now included in, for example, the Dun Huang Gu Yi Ji Kao Shi 敦煌古醫籍考釋 (Commentary and Research on Ancient Medical Texts Excavated in Dunhuang, Ma Jixing 馬繼興, ed., Nanchang: Jiangxi Kexue Jishu Chubanshe, 1988, pp. 115-137), Dun Huang Shi Ku Mi Cang Yi Fang 敦煌石窟秘藏醫方 (Secret Medical Prescriptions from Dunhuang Grottoes, Wang Shumin, ed., Beijing: Beijing Yike Daxue &amp; Zhongguo Xiehe Yike Daxue Lianhe Chuban, 1998, pp. 1-28), Fu Xing Jue Zang Fu Yong Yao Fa Jiao Zhu Kao Zheng 《輔行訣臟腑用藥法要》校注考證 (Textual Studies, Collation and Annotations of the Auxiliary Knacks of Essential Drug Usage for Viscera, Wang Xuetai, ed., Beijing: Renmin Junyi Chubanshe, 2008, pp. 3-62), and Fu Xing Jue Zang Fu Yong Yao Fa Jiao Zhu Jiang Shu 《輔行訣五臟用藥法要》校注講疏 (Interpretation, Collation and Annotations of the Auxiliary Knacks of Essential Drug Usage for Viscera, Yi Zhibiao, et al., eds., Beijing: Xueyuan Chubanshe, 2009, pp. 250-307).

According to the introductory remarks on FXJ in the above modern publications, FXJ was initially preserved at the Mogao Grottoes of Dunhuang, and then flowed into the hands of a Daoist, who later sold it to the Chinese physician Zhang Wonan 張偓南 at the beginning of the Republican period (1912-1949). Zhang passed the original manuscript of FXJ down to his grandson Zhang Dachang 張大昌, also a Chinese physician. In the summer of 1966, unfortunately, the original manuscript was destroyed in the Cultural Revolution. In 1974, Zhang Dachang sent a copy of the manuscript to the Zhong Guo Zhong Yi Yan Jiu Yuan 中國中醫研究院 (China Academy of Chinese Medicine). Later, the manuscript began to receive increasing attention from historians of medicine. Until now, 21 copies of the original manuscript of FXJ, transcribed by different people in the second half of the 20th century, have been found in China and included in the Fu Xing Jue Wu Zang Yong Yao Fa Yao Chuan Cheng Ji 《輔行訣五藏[臓]用藥法要》傳承集 (Collection of the Circulated Manuscripts of the Auxiliary Knacks of Essential Drug Usage for Viscera, Beijing: Xueyuan Chubanshe, 2008, pp. 3-400).

FXJ, originally authored by Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456-536), is a controversial manuscript. Two historians of Chinese history, namely Zhang Zhenglang 張政烺 and Li Xueqin 李學勤, had examined FXJ, and concluded that it could not be counted as an early writing composed by Tao Hongjing, nor could it be a modern forged text. The original manuscript of FXJ is now lost; and available information on the origin of FXJ originates from Zhang Dachang, whose narrative might be unreliable (say, FXJ might be forged or might not be a manuscript from Dunhuang Grottoes). The title of FXJ also does not appear in extant records of Tao Hongjing’s writings. Some scholars treat FXJ a forged text, see, for example, Tian Yongyan 田永衍, ‘Fu Xing Jue Zang Fu Yong Yao Fa Yao Fei Cang Jing Dong Yi Shu Kao——Cong Wen Ben Xing Shi Yu Wen Xian Guan Xi Kao Cha 《輔行訣臟腑用藥法要》非藏經洞遺書考——從文本形式與文獻關係考察 (A Study of the Auxiliary Knacks of Essential Drug Usage for Viscera as a Text not from Dunhuang Grottos——From the Perspectives of Textual Forms and Relationships)’, Nan Jing Zhong Yi Yao Da Xue Xue Bao (She Hui Ke Xue Ban) 南京中醫藥大學學報(社會科學版) (Journal of Nanjing University of TCM [Social Science]), 2015, 16(4): 232-237.

FXJ mentions ‘Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法’ (Models of the Classic of Decoction) three times, and claims that it was written by Yi Yin of the Shang dynasty. Because of this, some historians, such as Ma Jixing 馬繼興, consider that FXJ incorporates some words from the Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction). Further, because some prescriptions recorded in FXJ (not associated with the Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 [Models of the Classic of Decoction]), bear resemblance to their counterparts in Zhang Ji’s Shang Han Lun (Discourse on Cold Damage), some historians of medicine, such as Qian Chaochen 錢超塵, think that FXJ proves Shang Han Lun (Discourse on Cold Damage) to be composed on the basis of Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction). Even if FXJ is not a forged text, such an opinion is still too arbitrary.


Concluding Remarks

Copyright page B, showing the publisher information ‘Liu Shi Yi Qian Ge Zeng Fu Zhen Juan Zhuan Chuan 劉氏一錢閣曾福臻鐫傳’ (Engraved and Issued by Zeng Fuzhen at Liu’s One-Coin Pavilion), and the information on the transcriber and the collator: ‘Di Zi Li Ding Lu Gao 弟子李鼎録稿’ (Transcribed by [Yang’s] Student Li Ding) and ‘Wu Zi Nian Dong Chu Ban Hai Men Shen Dan Jiao Zi 戊子年冬初版海門沈旦校字’ (First Published in the Winter of 1948, Collated by Shen Dan of Haimen).

Copyright page B, showing the publisher information ‘Liu Shi Yi Qian Ge Zeng Fu Zhen Juan Zhuan Chuan 劉氏一錢閣曾福臻鐫傳’ (Engraved and Issued by Zeng Fuzhen at Liu’s One-Coin Pavilion), and the information on the transcriber and the collator: ‘Di Zi Li Ding Lu Gao 弟子李鼎録稿’ (Transcribed by [Yang’s] Student Li Ding) and ‘Wu Zi Nian Dong Chu Ban Hai Men Shen Dan Jiao Zi 戊子年冬初版海門沈旦校字’ (First Published in the Winter of 1948, Collated by Shen Dan of Haimen).

After a brief review of related issues on the Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction), we can confirm that:

  1. There had been an anonymous text entitled Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction, in 32 juan [volumes]) in the Western Han dynasty;
  2. It is unknown whether there truly existed a text written by Yi Yin of the Shang dynasty and entitled Tang Ye 湯液 (Decoction) or Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction);
  3. It is unknown whether the Tang Ye Jing Fa 湯液經法 (Models of the Classic of Decoction) was Yi Yin’s Tang Ye 湯液 (Decoction) or Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction);
  4. It is unknown whether Zhang Ji’s Shang Han Lun (Discourse on Cold Damage) was an expansion of Yi Yin’s Tang Ye 湯液 (Decoction) or Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction);
  5. Yang Shiyin’s reconstruction of Yi Yin’s Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction), published in 1948, can only represent his own faith in the existence of Yi Yin’s Tang Ye Jing 湯液經 (Classic of Decoction).

Short history of the Chinese term for ‘nerve’

The following is a syndicated post from the blog “Aowen Chinese Medicine 奧文中醫: Chinese medicine in words and pictures,” by Nicolaas Herman Oving (practitioner, translator, and educator in the field of Chinese Medicine). It originally appeared at http://ovingchinesemedicine.com/uncategorized/short-history-on-the-chinese-term-for-nerve/.

I originally wrote this in response to a colleague who suggested that the Chinese term for ‘nerve’, 神經 [shénjīng], implied that the Chinese conceived of this concept as meaning: ‘links of transmission (經) of spirit (神)’. Over the years I have shared it with students and in some discussion groups as well. The feedback I received has encouraged me to correct, expand, and polish it. I also added some illustrations in this new version. I hope you will enjoy it.

I am greatly and gratefully indebted to Hugh Shapiro for his thorough research on this topic.

Introduction

Can we say that the nerves are ‘the links for the transmission of spirit within us’? Is that the way the Chinese saw it when they began to use the term 神經 [shénjīng] for ‘nerve’? When I heard that I had serious doubts, mostly because the Chinese already had an elaborate system of transportation in the body, consisting of channels, vessels, and a network of smaller conduits. I simply could not imagine that when descriptions of the nerve and the nervous system reached China, they thought: “Ah, that’s what was missing, that could be the vehicle for spirit transmission!”

I was prepared to give it the benefit of the doubt, though, and decided to see if there was any evidence for it. The combination of the two characters 神 and 經 by itself (be it very interesting) is not enough for me to believe that it became part of Chinese medical philosophy in the way that my colleague had put it.

I specialize in the Chinese-English terminology of Chinese medicine, a medicine that I have practised as well. Besides my studies in Chinese languages and cultures I have done studies in lexicology and terminology. A brief introduction to what terminology is and how it works in our field of knowledge can be found here.

Of importance for the following is: A term is only a term when it has a definition. A definition describes the concept that is conveyed by the term. When a term is translated into another language, the definition does not change. This principle is a prerequisite for adequate translation and communication in any specific subject field. There is nothing special about it; it is the way knowledge is communicated in this world. Nevertheless, it often is overlooked in one particular field of knowledge, namely Chinese medicine.

 

<Anatomiae amphitheatrvm, Robert Fludd, 1623>

 

So, it is the definition of ‘nerve’ that applies to 神經 and vice versa. There are many ways new terms are formed and for the Chinese terminologies of Chinese medicine and that of biomedicine (a.k.a. Western medicine) there are some specific problems. When the Chinese create new terms for concepts that they did not invent themselves, like ‘nerve’, what they are doing is trying to understand what the foreign term means (by investigating the definition of the concept) and then come up with a term for it in their own language.

If you translate that new word back into the foreign language without taking into account what definition is attached to it, you can come up with something different. And that is what happens when you translate 神經 as ‘spirit transmission’ or ‘lines for the transmission of spirit’, or ‘spirit channel’. Regardless of the problem that both characters have multiple meanings (an ignoramus could say that 神經 means ‘divine menstruation’), what you are doing when you follow this method, is giving a new and different definition to an existing term. And that makes communication in any discipline very difficult if not impossible.

The compound word 神經 [shénjīng] in the meaning ‘nerve’ is interesting because as a term it raises several questions. Imagine a doctor in China who comes into contact with Western anatomy for the first time in history. What would you say they will think? They see drawings of human bodies with lines, read the description of this new concept, and why o why don’t they come up with something like 腦經 ‘brain channel’, 腦氣經 ‘brain qì channel’ or another combination that fits what they read and see?

 

<De humani corporis fabrica, Andreas Vesalius, 1543, Basel>

As an aside:

The word 腦 [nǎo] in Chinese has the same definition as ‘brain’ – like many other anatomical words that were invented in different cultures without intercultural exchange. Think of ‘blood’, ‘heart’, ‘little toe’, ‘nose’, etcetera – all very straightforward terms, because they mean the same for everyone in all cultures and times.

Such questions occupied my brain when I was thinking about what my colleague brought forward, and they motivated me to search for references. And guess what? I found (at least part of) an answer to this intriguing issue that could make it even more intriguing. I have tried to summarize the story.

 

The history

The concept ‘nerve’ was first translated into Chinese by Johann Schreck (1576-1630), a member of the Society of Jesus who, before he sailed to China as a Jesuit missionary, had an impressive reputation in European courts as a gifted healer. Working with a Chinese scribe, he prepared a translation into Chinese of a Latin text in two parts, namely on anatomy & physiology and on perception, sensation, & movement (by Caspar Bauhin, first published in 1597 in Basel).

 

<Theatrum Anatomicum, C. Bauhin, 1605, Frankfurt>

After Schreck had served the Chinese rulers with his knowledge of astronomy (medicine and medical translation were private occupations) for a while he died, and Adam Schall (1592-1666), who had traveled on the same boat as Schreck, found a Chinese scholar, Bi Gongchen, whom Schall asked to translate the text into (more polished) literary Chinese. It was published in a single volume together with a text by Matteo Ricci, one year before the collapse of the Ming dynasty (1644).

In the text, entitled ‘Western Views of the Human Body, an Abbreviated Treatise’ (Taixi renshen shuogai ), ‘nerve’ is translated as 細筋 [xìjīn], which literally translates as ‘fine sinew’. The choice for 筋 ‘sinew’ reflects the understanding of nerves in Europe at that time. ‘Nerve’ and ‘sinew’ were, for instance, used interchangeably in early 17th century texts on anatomy. Also, the Latin ‘nervus’ means ‘bow-string, tendon, sinew’.

 

<Taixi renshen shuogai>

In Schreck’s text nervous function is explained by using the concept of 氣 qi circulation. The ‘fine sinews’ contain qi and no blood, and when they are cut, people lose their ability to move, etc.. The book did not give the Chinese much reason to become interested in an alternate method of healing, and the concept of nerves did not take hold in China until much later.

In Wang Qingren’s Yilin gaicuo (‘Corrections of Errors in the Forest of Medicine’), which after publication in 1830 became one of the most widely read medical texts in China (as it still is today), we find no mention of a term for ‘nerve’. Dr. Wang, however, recorded several anatomical notions that were revolutionary for Chinese medicine and in several ways heralded a period of modernization. For our story it is relevant that he presented anatomical ‘proof’ for what Li Shizhen had claimed in the Bencao gangmu, namely that the brain, and not the heart, was the mansion of the original spirit.

 

<Yilin gaicuo, Wang Qingren>

It was Benjamin Hobson (1816-1873), a medical missionary from England, who instigated renewed attention for the concept of nerve in China. With his text ‘A New Theory of the Body’ (Quanti xinlun, published in 1851) he had considerably more influence than Schreck. In the chapter on the brain and the nervous system, he introduced the term 腦氣筋 [nǎoqìjīn], which literally translates as ‘brain – qi – sinew’, that is, the sinew through which brain qi travels.

 

<Quanti xinlun>

Although China was in the middle of a modernization movement, in the beginning of the 20th century, the concept of the nerve was still not easy for the Chinese to digest. Of the twelve different words that had been invented for ‘nerve’ since the beginning of the 17th century, five made it to the shortlist of a terminology committee meeting held in Shanghai in 1916. The purpose of that meeting was to standardize Chinese terms for numerous scientific concepts coming from the West and biomedicine was the most important subject. The term for ‘nerve’ was debated for over two hours before 腦經 ‘brain channel’ or ‘brain tract’ topped 神經 ‘spirit channel’ by eight votes to seven.

Why did it take 300 years for the concept of nerves to take hold in China?

1. It was not particularly relevant for Chinese medicine.

2. It was associated with the Western notion of ‘volition’. The Greek term for ‘motor nerves’ was, translated literally, ‘capable of choosing, purposive’. The action of nerves was inseparable from exercise of will. In the West, volitional action was a crucial defining feature of identity. For the Chinese, who did not hold such a view of identity, the idea of incorporating nerves into medical theory was not attractive.

 

<Theatrum Anatomicum>

The term 神經 came to China via a different route. It was introduced in 1902 as a translation of the Japanese shinkei, which is written with the same characters. In 1774 it was coined by a Japanese doctor trained in Chinese medicine. He came up with the word after studying a post-Vesalian Dutch text on anatomy.

The story of the Japanese doctor resembles that of Wang Qingren. He went to an execution ground to observe the dissection of a cadaver in order to see whether the illustrations in the Dutch text made sense. When he was convinced that they did, he formed a translation group to study and translate the text, and that text is seen as the seed of biomedicine in Japan. He judged that the Dutch term zenuw (nerve) corresponded with keimyako – 經脈 [jīngmài], channels and vessels, and the term zenuw-vogt (nervous fluid), he argued, pointed to shinki – 神氣 [shénqì].

神氣 in Chinese medicine can mean several things: 1. spirit, vigor 2. In the Neijing, ‘spirit qì’ refers to the spirit, channel qì, right qì, the blood, and the yáng qì of the bowels and viscera. < Practical Dictionary of Chinese Medicine>. It is interesting to note that the Dutch word ‘zenuw’ (nerve) is directly related to the English word ‘sinew’.

Combining 神氣 and 經脈, our Japanese doctor-translator formed the neologism shinkei 神經 which consists of the first part of these two terms. Historians have not found evidence that the Chinese of the early 20th century were aware of the history of the term (namely that qì was part of its original full version), and argue that that is one of the reasons they favoured 腦經 [nǎojīng] as translation of ‘nerve’ in 1916.

Another note is that the word 神經 [shénjīng] already existed in classical Chinese as a designation for a genre of esoteric books. The Japanese shinkei 神經 is a new construction, derived from words unrelated to that classical meaning.

In the text mentioned below Hugh Shapiro asks the important question: Why then, did they eventually adopt the term 神經 [shénjīng] for ‘nerve’? According to Shapiro the reason can be found in the fact that thousands of Chinese trained in Japan and came back to China with Japan’s analysis of biomedicine in their luggage – accompanied by the terminology the Japanese used. Biomedicine (a.k.a. Western medicine) rapidly gained ground as part of the movement in China to modernize and catch up with the West. But more importantly, the Chinese were interested in the pathology of the nerves – a thing that was never described by the Jesuits who introduced the anatomy. And the Japanese doctors instructed the Chinese in nerve pathology as they had translated it from biomedicine.

 

<brain dissection, Japan, 18th century>

The concept of nerves as such did not appeal to the Chinese medical professionals (they didn’t really need it) but when they studied the illness neurasthenia as described by the biomedical literature of that time, they connected it to their understanding of depletion. In fact, neurasthenia, in Japanese shinkei shuijaku and Chinese 神經衰弱 [shénjīng shuāiruò], became much more important in China than in the countries where the idea originated but soon was discarded. Also, the foreign idea of ‘nervousness’ became very common in 20th century China.

Shapiro further argues that this can inform us that the Chinese and Western concepts of emotional and corporeal depletion were rather close, and that this is often overlooked when the differences between the two medical systems are discussed.

I might add that the ideas about several pathologies as described by Wang Qingren in connection to his, for China, rather new and revolutionary ideas about the brain and other anatomical parts, have contributed to the development of a more open view in Chinese medicine towards ‘facts’ instead of rigidly adhering to ‘theories’ only.

 

<Utriusque Cosmi …, Robert Fludd, early 17th century>

Literature

– Hugh Shapiro’s contribution in: ‘Medicine Across Cultures: History and Practice of Medicine in Non-Western Cultures’, a collection of essays edited by Helaine Selin (Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2003)

– Bridie Andrews’ Introduction in Yi Lin Gai Cuo – Correcting the Errors in the Forest of Medicine, and the chapter ‘On Brain Marrow’ in that book (published by Blue Poppy Press, 2007)

see also:

– Marta Hanson’s keynote lecture: Jesuits and Medicine in the Kangxi Court (1662-1722).

 

An Examination of a Therapeutic Alliance: How the Acupuncture Experience Facilitates Treatment of the Modern Self Through the Methods of Intake and Self-Cultivation

Sharon Hennessey, DAOM, L.Ac.

Dr. Hennessey is Domain Chair of the Acupuncture Department at ACTCM @ CIIS with an interest in acupuncture research. She has published several articles in CJOM, and recently presented a poster at SAR’s Conference in 2015 and 2017. Her posters and articles can be viewed at sharonhennessey.com.

Abstract:

The concept of therapeutic alliance, i.e., the relationship between practitioner and patient, is identified as being historically rooted within the practice of traditional Chinese medicine. Within this context, this relationship is shown to serve the modern self — a recent construct favored in westernized industrial countries. While tracing the rise of the modern self, the value and limitations of this construct are evaluated.

In this essay both the acupuncture intake, comprised of ten questions, and the practice of the Chinese self-cultivation techniques are analyzed: the intake procedure as an effective therapy and practitioner self-cultivation as a source for patient inspiration. By re-appropriating archaic methods, Chinese medicine practitioners can guide patients in the formation of a valuable personal narrative to address a construct of modernity.

Key words:

acupuncture narrative, human potential, Yang Sheng self-cultivation.

An Archeological Discovery

Ancient Chinese culture may have eschewed the individual, but in the practice of Chinese medicine there has always been an emphasis on treating idiosyncratic pathologies, unique to each person. Elisabeth Hsu, in chapter 2 of Innovation of Chinese Medicine, describes twenty-five such medical case histories found in the biography of a Han doctor recorded in about 90 BC. Hsu asserts that illness was designated by the term bing rather than the term ji. Her investigation revealed that apart from other meanings, bing frequently referred to the emotional state of a distressed or aggrieved person, suggesting that bing referred to the mind-emotion-body complex.1 This concept of individualism, buried in Chinese medicine, functioned as a release valve for strictures in traditional Confucian culture, indicating a nod to the individual through pathology.

By using this strategy today, the modern acupuncture practitioner may covertly treat a wide range of disharmonies that effect the psychological or metaphysical through the medium of the physical body.

Evolution of the Modern Self

Once upon a time we were all part of a family, congregating within a community or tribe, bounded by rules and traditions that guided every aspect of our lives. But industrialization and other extraordinary successes of capitalism eventually managed to devastate these traditions and erode our connection with the past.

As now experienced, the concept of self is a unique and recent construct that has emerged in the past century, launching each individual on a quest for personal meaning that had been previously supplied by traditional communities. Add to that the Nietzschean demise of the creator, the startling new world of physics, and the material excess of capitalist production, there emerged from the divan of Sigmund Freud and other psychologists a new kind of self. In the BBC documentary, Century of the Self, Adam Curtis examines how we have moved from the ‘citizens with needs’ to ‘consumers with desire’. In this documentary, Curtis deconstructs how the Freudian concept of ‘unconscious’ desire was harnessed to the new business of marketing consumer goods, encouraging the emergence of a singular individual. This new self re-examined the constraints that had previously bound it to the precepts of religion and other dogma.

Jan Sloterdijk’s You Must Change Your Life describes our “withdrawal from this collective identity” as a directive demanding that all individuals must now stand beside themselves a priori, living their lives in front of the mirror, or function as actors of everyday life.2 He decrees that we were once part of a collective unity, bounded by religion, tradition, and family that functioned as additional immune system by guiding, signifying, and protecting us.2 Now, with only our self-created psyche to protect or direct us, humanity must face the numerous onslaughts of circumstance alone.

Christopher Macann states: “Ontological psychology ceases to be what Kant took it to be: a spurious deduction of the immortality of the soul from the principle of self-identity”3, and becomes instead what might be called a doctrine of self-actualization, a phrase made famous in Maslow’s Psychology of Being.4 Maslow describes self-actualization as “….what a man can be, a man must be…It refers to the desire for self-fulfillment, namely, to the tendency for him to become actualized in what he is potentially. This tendency might be phrased as the desire to become more and more what one is, to become everything that one is capable of becoming.”5

Authoring the Self or How to Live a Meaningful Life

The self has now become a center for experimentation and authorship. For a meaningful life, experiences must be accumulated and curated, and the personal narrative becomes a centerpiece for communication. Individual stories serve as guideposts for inspiration and transcendence in much the same way as The Confessions of Saint Augustine did 1700 years ago.2 Self-involvement is not new to western history, but it was traditionally used to serve as an example at the demand of some greater authority. Augustine’s Confessions are an early version of a transformational life story that permeates Hollywood dramas and soaps.

For the multitudes, the self-portrait, particularly illustrated by Rembrandt’s more than 90 painted images of himself, is now the “selfie”—a self that is not under the control of some special aegis. It is especially unsettling to many social critics, who claim it is a short jump from selfie to selfish. Great moral opprobrium is attached to this concept of self. Critics see self-involvement as shedding important shared traditions that have served to organize people or, in a spiritual context, preferring the self to the creator or the originator of that self. But this new self, while, yes, prideful and actively undermining tradition, still requires tending and guidance.

Jumping forward to our new, service-oriented economy, many kinds of practitioners are now engaged in mapping the ontology for this new individual self through the medium of the personal narrative. This new self has spawned a huge service industry that caters to its development, refinement, and care. This is important because other cultural institutions that once cultivated, sheltered, and groomed this aspect of our psyche are in retreat.

The Chinese Medicine Intake: The Practitioner Helps the Patient Write a Narrative

In my own specialty, acupuncture, the patient is encouraged to build their personnel narrative based on the ten intake questions, which provides an organizational template for their story. As the patient describes their digestion, sleep patterns, urination, breathing, and any other subjective sensations they may wish to include, these ten questions serve as a type of somatic confessional, whereby the patient is able to transpose their psychological and metaphysical anxiety into simple and comprehensible evaluation of autonomic vegetative functions. Rather than the soul or psyche, these functions then become the object of transformation. By the simple principle of adjusting the flow, intake, and expulsion of fluids, gases, and solids, the individual can be tuned to perform at a higher level.

In a secular world there is the obvious benefit to only adjudicating somatic function. Many pejorative moral and psychological implications can thus be averted, while such vegetative functions are modified or streamlined to a superior level of performance.

This strategy of using Chinese medicine to treat the somatic body by addressing the psyche is oddly akin6 to the James-Lange Theory of Emotion. This theory was put forth in 19th century initially by American psychologist and theosophist William James and later, separately, by Danish physician Carl Lange. In this theory, physiological changes actually precede emotions. The subjective emotion is experienced because of the underlying physiology: our autonomic nervous system generates the physiological events that we associate with an emotion such as heart rate, perspiration, dry mouth, muscular tension. This theory suggests that emotions are a result of physiology rather than the cause.6 The autonomic nervous system is primarily unconscious, associated with activating the flight or fight response. But new research also shows that the sympathetic nervous system is “part of a constant regulatory machinery that keeps body functions in a steady state equilibrium.”7

It has been recently demonstrated that the sympathetic nervous system and the hypo-pituitary axis are activated by antigenic activity. Local immune cells inform the central nervous system and vice versa; the door swings both ways. New research in bioelectronics suggests that inflammation can be suppressed by stimulating the vagus nerve with electrical impulses. The standard of care associated with inflammatory conditions, such as rheumatoid arthritis, Crohn’s disease, or other insidious autoimmune conditions, might very soon incorporate vagal stimulation. Increasing vagal tone can also be taught by using the biofeedback technique.8,9 Hence, research science is verifying that the underlying soma is an effective pathway to modulate the psyche and vice versa.

In a study (to be published) by Randy Gollub et al., a patient’s experience of pain relief was correlated to their perception of being cared for with empathetic understanding. Patients were asked to evaluate the level of interest shown by their practitioner. Results demonstrated that their pain relief was enhanced by practitioner empathy. 10

A trial designed by Ted Kaptchuk, presents the notion that the patient’s narrative about self is fundamental to their health. He discusses and demonstrates how a practitioner perceives a patient affects the outcome of their health.11 This study of patients with irritable bowel syndrome randomly divided them into three groups. Group one was put on a waiting list. Group two received placebo treatment from a disinterested clinician. The third group got the same placebo treatment from a clinician who asked them questions about symptoms, while describing the causes of irritable bowel and displaying optimism about them overcoming their condition. Not surprisingly, the health of those in the third group improved the most.

The Golub and Kaptchuk studies demonstrate the value of practitioner involvement. In recording the patient’s subjective narrative, practitioner empathy becomes part of substrate that influences the acupuncture patient’s outcome.

Acupuncturists stress which foods to eat, the temperature of the food to be consumed, how much to drink, what to drink, when to sleep, when to rise, how to dress, how often to have sexual intercourse, or how to massage internal organs. For patients who have never observed their bodily functions, discovering that the shape of a stool or the color of urine or nose phlegm can be a window into the interior can have profound effect on self-reflection. In a secular world, Chinese medicine provides support and instruction similar in some ways to the dietary and lifestyle guidelines once administered by other belief systems.

The acupuncture intake and diagnosis that generates this personal narrative with its pastiche of authentic Taoist and Confucian phrases represents an antique system of healing. This also can function successfully today as an intact nonreligious construct for evaluating the pilgrim/patient’s transcendent progress on their journey with their self, stressing behavior over belief.

Evolution of SelfCultivation

For Maslow, levels of self-actualization are the peak levels achieved by an individual. Often an evolved individual can by example pull the rest of humanity upward toward a higher level of proficiency or consciousness.

In his essay, The Neurology of Self-Awareness, Ramachandran suggests that mirror neurons have played a critical role in learning through imitation rather than trial and error, along with our strong ability to empathize. He proposes that extraordinary human progress, in which self-awareness is fundamental, is the result of the interplay of these mirror neurons.12 He also posits that because of mirror neurons, humans have the uncanny ability to imitate each other and understand each other’s feelings, “setting the stage for a complex Lamarckian or cultural inheritance that characterizes our species.”12

Rizzolatti discovered back in 1996 that mirror neurons are the pre-motor neurons that fire when a primate performs some object-directed actions, such as grasping, tearing, manipulating, or holding but also when the animal watches someone else perform the same actions.13

Additionally, it is not just the repetition of one but repetition of many, imitating and competing, that drives us forward. Take the simple example of the marathon: in 1921, best time was 3 hours and 18 minutes; in 2014, best time was 2 hours, 2 minutes and 57 seconds.14 This has been achieved over the span of many years, through the accumulated effort of many runners, competing against each other, and shaving the time, second by second, year by year. Each competed to be the best, inspired by and imitating the competitor whom they followed, and tended and coached by those who made running a practice.

This sort of consciousness-raising effort that pervades human behavior is described by Jan Sloterdijk in You Must Change Your Life. He lauds the Nietzschean doctrine of combining practice with cumulative knowledge or education and designates practicing and training as an original and uniquely human path, especially in seeking to transcend the self.2 Through Sloterdijk‘s lens, training, peak experiences, and performance crystallize the human experience, while conscious measurement, observation, and skill refinement are reflected in learning and practice.

Sloterdijk comments that such training and practice systems formed the core of Platonism, Brahmanic training, and Taoist alchemy and martial arts, guiding adepts up ‘the vertical wall of achievement’ in superhuman spiritual and athletic extremes that have shaped the image of what human potential can be.2

Chinese Practice and Self-Cultivation

In ancient China, Taoism embraced the belief that through breath and meditation they could transform their lives, by reaching for immortality. Joseph Needham describes how in ancient China the physiological alchemists believed they could “master their neuro-muscular coordination, and sexual activity as part of the Tao.”15 He describes such activities, listing how this was accomplished by employing respiratory exercises, counting heartbeats, experiencing the movement of inner qi, and using a myriad of other special techniques, which were designed prolong longevity or restore youth by internally transforming the practitioner.15 These early Taoists exercises evolved into complicated styles of self-cultivation.

During the early Han period, around 200-100 BC, medical understanding of the inner body was changing. By the time the Huang de Nei Jing was compiled, there was a formal system of channels known as the jing luo, which allowed different types of qi to circulate.1

Medical technology was also changing. Fine filament needles became the preferred method of treatment.16 The practitioner was guided by the Su Wen and Ling Shu on how to perform this new inner practice. He was encouraged to gather his qi, employing techniques of self-cultivation that acupuncture students are still taught to imitate today. Metaphors in the Su Wen, such as “use the hand as if holding a tiger” or “pouring over a deep abyss,” coach the practitioner on how to proceed in treatment.

Technique was conflated with rectitude and moral character, instructing the practitioner to influence the spirit of the patient or proceed to a deeper metaphysical exchange, using the needle as an instrument of transmutation.16 These special skills represented the fruits of self-cultivation for the practitioner.

By focusing on self-manipulation of qi and self-improvement in technique, acupuncturists have become default practitioners of Yang Sheng self-cultivation

skills.1 Modern Chinese medicine has become an odd mix of the esoteric internal practice methods combined with modern physiology. By simply reading through a list of continuing education courses or the advanced curriculum at institute of traditional Chinese medicine, this obsession with obscure Taoist practices can easily be verified.

Pursuing a practice under the guidance of a Chinese master, whose particular lineage defines their curriculum vitae, is the equivalent to pursuing a board certification in another profession. Even if personally refraining from a deliberate practice of self-cultivation, acupuncture students are exposed to such practices through curriculum requirements. It is inculcated in the rhythm of learning in a professional school, where either qi gong or tai chi are combined with esoteric poetry about nature.

It is normal to find a student of acupuncture involved in a deep meditative performance exercise such as tai chi. Mastery of practice-related performance is expected of these students. In this profession, self-cultivation and skill development go hand in hand; other medical professionals are not expected to harmonize their qi, learn mystical movements such as tai chi, or root their being, before interacting with their patient. The skills of self-cultivation as both a healing art and a moral virtue are embedded in Chinese medicine. This imbues the practitioner with leadership qualities that occur in other training modes such as sports, arts, or religion. The modern patient, typically lacking in ritual signifiers for lifestyle direction, can thus benefit from this personal example of their practitioner.

Conclusion

Western treatments based on statistical patterns and board declarations that direct standards of care often negate or ignore an individual’s metaphysical sense of being. In the context of eastern and western cultural norms, western culture employs treatment standards that are ironically more aligned with the statistical whole, whereas traditional Chinese medicine, aligned with a rigid Confucian social structure, embraces the individual. In this example of cultural syncretism, acupuncture offers the modern self the care and understanding that it currently lacks in the territory of western evidence-based treatment.

Despite being anchored in traditional principles of Taoist and Confucian philosophy, Chinese medicine is able to address the modern concept of self by creating a distinct diagnostic template for the treatment of each patient. This narrative template teaches individuals to observe and measure their soma in a practical, effective way against an intact system that encompasses philosophical underpinnings that reflect every aspect of patient behavior. It is composed of understandable natural metaphors that generally resonate well with the patient and can be transposed into simple behavioral modification.

As part of traditional culture, both the narrative and techniques of self-cultivation are able to furnish individual guidance and performance-activated behavior that are often lacking in both western therapy and modern cultural norms. When scientists try to evaluate the efficacy of the acupuncture treatment, they often fail to comprehend the value of these methods: the intake, which varnishes the diagnosis with a veneer of empathy, and examples of self-cultivation, which represent internal strength achieved through moral refinement. Together, these two essential components of an acupuncture treatment may contribute monumentally to a therapeutic alliance that successfully enhances the patient’s outcome.

References: 

  1. Ed. by Elisabeth Hsu, Innovation in Chinese Medicine, Needham Research Institute, Cambridge University Press, 2001; p. 16.
  2. Peter Sloterdijk, You Must change Your Life, Polity Press; 2013. pp. 211, 215, 322, 199.
  3. Referring to the Cartesian Objective
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Introduction to Ruesi Dat Ton

This is a guest post by David Wells (E-RYT500, CAS), Yoga Teacher at Integrated Pain Management Clinic. He is a graduate of The California College of Ayurveda and served three years in Peace Corps Thailand. He received Thai Massage and Reusi Dat Ton certifications from The Wat Po School of Traditional Thai Massage in Bangkok and The Thai Massage School of Chiang Mai under the authorization of the Thai Ministry of Education in Thailand. He also studied with Reusi Tevijo and the late Ajan Pisit Benjamongkonware in Thailand. He received advanced Yoga certifications from Kaivalyadhama Yoga Institute, The Sivananda Yoga Center, The Yoga Institute in Mumbai and The Yoga Research Center of Rishikesh in India. He teaches Hatha Yoga and Reusi Dat Ton in New York, USA and also travels conducting continuing education workshops. He recently published “Self-Massage and Joint Mobilization of Traditional Thai Yoga “Reusi Dat Ton” Part1 Handbook. Contact Information: david@wellsyoga.com, www.wellsyoga.com.

 

Ruesi Dat Ton and the Foundations of Thai Massage

Reusi Dat Ton is a little known aspect of traditional Thai healing and culture. It consists of breathing exercises, self-massage, acupressure, dynamic exercises, poses, mantras, visualization and meditation.

“Reusi” in Thai, from the Sanskrit Rishi, is an Ascetic Yogi or Hermit. “Dat” means to stretch, adjust or train. “Ton” is a classifier used for a Reusi and also means oneself. So “Reusi Dat Ton” means the Hermit’s or Yogi’s self-stretching or self-adjusting exercises. Reusis were also known as “Jatila,” Yogi,” and “Chee Prai.” The Reusis were custodians and practitioners of various ancient arts and sciences such as: tantra, yoga, natural medicine, alchemy, music, mathematics, astrology, palmistry, etc. They have counterparts in many ancient cultures, such as: the Siddhas of India, the Yogis of Nepal and Tibet, the Immortals of China, the Vijjadharas of Burma and the Cambodian Eysey (from the Pali word for Reusi, Isii).

There are different Reusi traditions within Thailand. There is a Southern Thai/Malay Tradition, a Northeastern Thai/Lao Tradition, a Central Thai/Khmer Tradition and a Northern Thai/Burmese/Tibetan Tradition. In Thailand, there are Reusis as far South as Kanchanaburi Province who follow the Northern Thai/Burmese/Tibetan Reusi Tradition.

A typical Reusi Dat Ton program would begin with breathing exercises and self-massage, followed by dynamic exercises and poses (some of which involve self acupressure) and finish with visualization, mantras and meditation. The exercises and poses of Reusi Dat Ton range from simple stretches which almost anyone could do, to very advanced poses which could take many years to master.

Some of the Reusi Dat Ton techniques are similar to or nearly identical to some techniques in various Tibetan Yoga Systems, particularly “Yantra Yoga,” “Kum Nye” and the Tibetan Yoga Frescoes from the Lukhang Temple behind the Potala Palace in Lhasa Tibet. (See Norbu, Tulku and Baker) For example; some of the self massage techniques, exercises, poses, neuromuscular locks (bandhas in Sanskrit,) breathing patterns, ratios, visualizations and the way in which male and female practitioners would practice the same technique differently are almost identical. It is possible that Reusi Dat Ton and some of the Tibetan Yoga Systems are derived from a common source, which Rishis brought with them as they moved down the Himalayan foothills into Southeast Asia.

According to the Reusi Tevijo Yogi “The foundation and key to Traditional Thai massage is Reusi Dat Ton. Ancient Reusis, through their own experimentation and experience, developed their understanding of the various bodies (physical, energetic and psychic, etc.) They discovered the postures, channels, points, the winds and wind gates within themselves. Later it was realized that these techniques could be adapted and applied to others for their healing benefit, which is

how Thai massage was developed. So, in order to really understand Thai massage, as a practitioner, one should have a foundation in Reusi Dat Ton and be able to experience it within oneself and then apply it to others. It is not only the roots of Thai massage but it also unlocks the method for treating oneself and maintaining one’s own health.” (Reusi Tevijo Yogi)

It is also interesting to note that there are many similarities between the Reusi Dat Ton “Joint Mobilization Exercises,” many Thai massage techniques and some of the Indian Hatha Yoga therapeutic warming up exercises (the Pawanmuktasana or wind liberating and energy freeing techniques.) There is even an advanced Hatha Yoga pose, Poorna Matsyendrasana, which compresses the femoral artery and produces the same effect as “opening the wind gate” in Reusi Dat Ton Self Massage and Traditional Thai massage. (Saraswati)

Reusi Dat Ton in Traditional Art

In Northeast Thailand, in Buriram province atop an extinct volcano sits the Ancient Khmer temple of Prasat Phnom Rung. Built between 900 and 1200AD, this temple is dedicated to the Hindu God Shiva. The pediment over the eastern doorway features a sculpture of an avatar of Shiva in the form of Yogadaksinamurti. According to the Department of Fine Arts “Yogadaksinamurti means Shiva in the form of the supreme ascetic, the one who gives and maintains wisdom, perception, concentration, asceticism, philosophy, music and the ability to heal disease with sacred chants.” Here “Shiva is dressed as a hermit with crowned headdress holding a rosary in his right hand, seated in the lalitasana position…surrounded by followers. There are figures below him that…represent the sick and wounded.” (Department of Fine Arts). All over the temple one can see additional carvings of Reusis engaged in various activities. In one carving of the “Five Yogis” (or Reusis) the central figure is the God Shiva in his incarnation as Nagulisa, the founder of the Pasupata sect of Shivaite Hinduism. The four yogis on his sides are followers of this Pasupata sect, which is still active today in Nepal.

In 1767, invading Burmese armies destroyed the old Thai capital of Ayutthaya. Soon after his coronation in 1782, the Thai King Rama I established a new capital in what is today Bangkok. He initiated a project to revive the Thai culture after the disaster of Ayutthaya. An old temple Wat Potharam, (popularly known as “Wat Po,”) was chosen to become the site of a new Royal temple

and formally renamed Wat Phra Chetuphon. Beginning in 1789, a renovation and expansion project was begun on the temple. King Rama I also initiated a program to restore and preserve all branches of ancient Thai arts and sciences including: medicine, astrology, religion and literature. As part of this project, medical texts from across the kingdom were collected and brought to be stored at Wat Po. The King also ordered the creation of a set of clay Reusi statues depicting various Reusi Dat Ton techniques.

This restoration project was continued by the Kings Rama II and Rama III. As part of this work, scholars compiled important texts on various ancient arts and sciences and created authoritative textbooks for each of these fields. In 1832, a project to etch the medical texts into marble tablets was begun. Medical theories regarding the origin and treatment of disease, massage charts and over 1000 herbal formulas were all recorded on the marble tablets. Gardens of medicinal herbs were also planted on the temple grounds. Thus, Wat Po was to become “a seat of learning for all classes of people in all walks of life” which would “expound all braches of traditional knowledge both religious and secular,” and serve as “an open university” of traditional Thai culture with a “library of stone.” (Griswold, 319-321)

By 1836, the clay Reusi Dat Ton statues created by order of King Rama I had deteriorated. To replace these, King Rama III commissioned the creation of 80 new Reusi Dat Ton statues. Each statue depicted a different Reusi performing a specific Reusi Dat Ton technique. For each statue there was a corresponding marble tablet upon which was etched a poem describing the technique and it’s curative effect. These poems were composed by various important personalities of the day. Princes, monks, government officials, physicians, poets, and even the King himself contributed verses. The original plan was to cast the statues with an alloy of zinc and tin, but unfortunately only the more perishable material stucco was used. The statues were then painted and housed in special pavilions. Over the years most of the original statues have been lost or destroyed. Today only about 20 remain and these are displayed upon two small “Hermit’s Mountains” near the Southern entrance of Wat Po. The marble tablets have been separated from their corresponding statues and are now stored in the pavilion Sala Rai.

Beginning in 2009, the casting of metal Reusi Dat Ton statues was begun. These new statues are gradually appearing in and around the Wat Po Massage School near the Eastern entrance of Wat Po. So now after almost 200 years, Wat Po will soon finally have it’s complete set of 80 metal Reusi Dat Ton statues as originally envisioned by King Rama III.

Textual Sources of Reusi Dat Ton

We may never know what, if any Ancient texts on Reusi Dat Ton may have existed and were lost when the invading Burmese armies destroyed the old Thai capital of Ayutthaya in 1767. Today, the closest thing to an original source text on Reusi Dat Ton is an 1838 manuscript commissioned by Rama III entitled The Book of Eighty Rishis Performing Posture Exercises to Cure Various Ailments. Like other manuscripts of the time, this text was printed on accordion like folded black paper, known in Thai as “Khoi.” This text, popularly known as the Samut Thai Kao features line drawings of the 80 Wat Po Reusi Dat Ton statues along with their accompanying poems. In the introduction, it states that Reusi Dat Ton is a “…system of posture exercises invented by experts to cure ailments and make them vanish away.” (Griswold, 321) This text is housed in the National Library in Bangkok. There are also other editions of this text housed in museums and private collections as well.

The Benefits of Reusi Dat Ton

In both the Samut Thai Kao and The Book of Medicine, the texts not only describe the techniques, but also ascribe a therapeutic benefit to each pose or exercise. Some poems describe specific ailments while others use Sanskrit Ayurvedic medical terminology.

Some of the ailments mentioned include; abdominal discomfort and pain, arm discomfort, back pain, bleeding, blurred vision, chest congestion, chest discomfort and pain, chin trouble, chronic disease, chronic muscular discomfort, congestion, convulsions, dizziness and vertigo, dyspepsia, facial paralysis, fainting, foot cramps, pain and numbness, gas pain, generalized weakness, generalized sharp pain, headache and migraine, hand discomfort, cramps and numbness, heel and ankle joint pain, hemorrhoids, hip joint problems, joint pain, knee pain and weakness, lack of alertness, leg discomfort, pain and weakness, lockjaw, low back pain, lumbar pain, muscular

cramps and stiffness, nasal bleeding, nausea, neck pain, numbness, pelvic pain, penis and urethra problems, scrotal distention, secretion in throat, shoulder and scapula discomfort and pain, stiff neck, thigh discomfort, throat problems, tongue trouble, uvula spasm, vertigo, waist trouble, wrist trouble, vomiting, and waist discomfort.

Some of the Ayurvedic disorders described in the texts include; Wata (Vata in Sanskrit) in the head causing problems in meditation, severe Wata disease, Wata in the hands and feet, Wata in the head, nose and shoulder, Wata in the thigh, Wata in the scrotum, Wata in the urethra, Wata causing knee, leg and chest spasms, Wata causing blurred vision, Sannipat (a very serious and difficult to treat condition due to the simultaneous imbalance of Water, Fire and Wind Elements which may also involve a toxic fever) an excess of Water Dhatu (possibly plasma or lymph fluids,) and “Wind” in the stomach. Other benefits described in the old texts include; increased longevity and opening all of the “Sen” (There are various types of “Sen” or channels in Traditional Thai Medicine. There are Gross Earth Physical “Sen” such as Blood Vessels. There are also more Subtle “Sen” such as channels of Bioenergy flow within the Subtle Body, known as “Nadis” in Sanskrit. In addition, there are also “Sen” as channels of the Mind.)

In recent years, the Thai Ministry of Public Health has published several books on Reusi Dat Ton. According these modern texts, some of the benefits of Reusi Dat Ton practice include; improved agility and muscle coordination, increased joint mobility, greater range of motion, better circulation, improved respiration improved digestion, assimilation and elimination, detoxification, stronger immunity, reduced stress and anxiety, greater relaxation, improved concentration and meditation, oxygen therapy to the cells, pain relief, slowing of degenerative disease and greater longevity. (Subcharoen, 5-7)

A recent study at Naresuan University in Phitsanulok, Thailand, found that after one month of regular Reusi Dat Ton practice there was an improvement in anaerobic exercise performance in sedentary females. (Weerapong et al, 205)

Thai Reusi Dat Ton and Indian Hatha Yoga

A survey of the traditional Indian Hatha Yoga text Jogapradipaka of Jayatarama from 1737AD identified the following 45 Indian asanas as having similar or identical counterparts in Thai Reusi Dat Ton; Svastikasana, Padmasana, Netiasana, Udaraasana, Purvasana, Pascimatanasana, Suryasana, Gorakhajaliasana, Anasuyasana, Machendrasana, Mahamudrasana, Jonimudrasana, Sivasana, Makadasana, Bhadragorakhasana, Cakriasana, Atamaramasana, Gohiasana, Bhindokasana, Andhasana, Vijogasana, Jonisana, Bhagasana, Rudrasana, Machindrasana (2nd variety), Vyasaasana, Dattadigambarasana, Carapatacaukasana, Gvalipauasana, Gopicandasana, Bharathariasana, Anjanasana, Savitriasana, Garudasana, Sukadevasana, Naradasana, Narasimghasana, Kapilasana, Yatiasana, Vrhaspatiasana, Parvatiasana, Siddhaharataliasana, Anilasana, Parasaramasana and Siddhasana. To date over 200 different Indian Hatha Yoga techniques have been identified which have similar or identical counterparts in Thai Reusi Dat Ton.

One unique feature of Reusi Dat Ton is the absence of Viparitakarani (Inversions) such as Shirshasana (Headstand), Sarvangasana (Shoulderstand.) Reusi Dat Ton also has no equivalents to Mayurasana (Peacock) or Bakasana (Crow). In Hatha Yoga both men and women use the left heel to press the perineum in Siddhasana (Adepts Pose), while in Reusi Dat Ton, men use the

right heel and women use the left. Reusi Dat Ton includes a series of “Joint Mobilization” exercises, many of which are very similar or identical to the Pawanmuktasana (Joint Loosening and Energy Freeing Exercises) taught by the Bihar School of Yoga in Northeast India. (Saraswati) Reusi Dat Ton also includes a system of self-massage, which is typically done prior to the exercises.

Both Hatha Yoga and Reusi Dat Ton practice forms of Surya and Chandra Bhedana Pranayama (Solar and Lunar Breathing.) However in Hatha Yoga men and women both use the right hand when practicing Pranayama (Breathing Exercises), while in Reusi Dat Ton men use the right hand and women use the left. Both use Ashwini Mudra (Anal Lock) and Jivha Bandha (Tongue Lock.) However, Reusi Dat Ton has no counterparts to Uddiyana Bandha (Abdominal Lock) or Jalandhara Bandha (Throat Lock.)

In Traditional Indian Hatha Yoga one will generally maintain an Asana for a few minutes. In contrast, Reusi Dat Ton tends to be more dynamic. Generally, one will inhale while going into the pose, hold the pose for several breaths, and then exhale when coming out of the pose. This is done to encourage the strong, healthy flow of Prana thru the Nadis (or Loam thru the Sen in Thai)

 Reusi Dat Ton Today

Today in Thailand, Reusi Dat Ton is being used in various ways. Some practice Reusi Dat Ton poses and exercises as a way to improve and maintain overall health, in much the same way as Hatha Yoga and Chi Gong are used today. Others such as Ajan Pisit Benjamongkonware of Pisit’s Massage School in Bangkok used Reusi Dat Ton in combination with traditional Thai Massage techniques as a system of therapy. They will use specific techniques for specific ailments, rather like an ancient system of rehabilitation similar to modern day Chiropractic and Physical Therapy. Others consider the energetic effects with the aim of facilitating the normal healthy flow of bioenergy through the “Sen” or energy channels of the subtle body. There are also a few remaining Reusis who still use Reusi Dat Ton in the traditional way as part of their personal meditation and spiritual practice.

The Institute of Thai Traditional Medicine at the Ministry of Public Health requires all their students of Thai Massage and Thai Traditional Medicine to attend Reusi Dat Ton classes as part of their curriculum. In these classes, students learn some of the self-massage techniques as well as 15 poses and exercises. While based on Reusi Dat Ton, these 15 techniques are actually newly created modifications thought to be safe and easily practiced by anyone. In Bangkok, The Wat Po School of Traditional Medicine offers a formal Reusi Dat Ton certification course in which students learn 18 of the poses and exercises. The Massage School Chiang Mai offers a formal Reusi Dat Ton certificate course, which is accredited by the Thai Ministry of Education. Their course is based on the same 15 poses and exercises as taught by the Ministry of Public Health. There are also a number of other places offering Reusi Dat Ton classes. Most of these programs teach either one or a combination of both of the two different programs, as taught by the Ministry of Public Health and Wat Po. There are also a number of commercially available Reusi Dat Ton books and videos.

Today in Thailand, there are a dwindling number of true Reusis and few young people are interested in learning the traditional arts and sciences in their authentic forms. Much of the traditional knowledge of the Reusi traditions is in danger of being lost. Nowadays, most modern day students and teachers of Reusi Dat Ton have learned from second or third hand sources such as commercially available books, videos and classes. They have not had access to primary sources such as actual Reusis or even the Samut Thai Kao. If this trend continues, there is a danger of Reusi Dat Ton becoming diluted and distorted like Hatha Yoga has become in today’s popular culture. Today we may well be seeing the last generation of teachers with an actual living link to the ancient traditions of the past and who are able to transmit the authentic teachings of Reusi Dat Ton. Serious students of Reusi Dat Ton would do well to seek out actual Reusis who have themselves learned from older Reusis who serve as a living link in the lineage of this ancient tradition.

Possible Future Research 

A possible research project would be to seek out Reusis and traditional healers across Thailand. One would then learn as much as possible about Reusi Dat Ton from them and compile it. This way the authentic teachings of this ancient tradition would not be lost in case these people die without being able to pass their knowledge on to the next generation. It could also be well worth investigating the many claims about the therapeutic effects attributed to Reusi Dat Ton practices in the old texts.

Bibliography of Readings about Ruesi Dat Ton

English Language 

  • Baker, Ian A. and Thomas Laird. (2000). “The Dali Lama’s Secret Temple: Tantric Wall Paintings from Tibet.” Thames & Hudson Ltd., London, UK.
  • Buhnemann, Gudrun. (2007). “Eighty-Four Asanas in Yoga: A Survey of Traditions.” (Contains the Jogapradipika of Jayatarama). D. K. Printworld, New Delhi, India.
  • Chokevivat, Vichai and Chuthaputti, Anchalee. (2005). “The Role of Thai Traditional Medicine in Health Promotion.” Thai Ministry of Public Health, Nonthaburi, Thailand.
  • Chuthaputti, Anchalee. (2007). “National Traditional System of Medicine Recognized by the Thai Government.” Thai Ministry of Public Health, Nonthaburi, Thailand.
  • Covington, Laura. (2010). “Interview with a Reusi.” (Interview with Reusi Tevijjo Yogi). Bodhi Tree Learning Center. Richmond, USA.
  • Department of Fine Arts. “Phnom Rung Historical Park Visitors Guide.” (And displays in the Phnom Rung Museum.) Department of Fine Arts, Buriram, Thailand.
  • Evans-Wentz, W. Y. (2006). “Tibetan Yoga and Secret Doctrines.” Pilgrims Publishing, Varanasi, India. Gharote, M. L. (Editor). (2006). “Encyclopaedia of Traditional Asanas.” The Lonavala Yoga Institute. Lonavala, India.
  • Ginsburg, Henry. (2000). “Thai Art and Culture: Historic Manuscripts from Western Collections.” University of Hawaii, Honolulu, USA.
  • Griswold, A.B. (1965). “The Rishis of Wat Po.” In Felicitation Volumes of Southeast Asian Studies Presented to His Highness Prince Dhaninivat Kromamun Bidyalabh Brindhyakorn. The Siam Society, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat, “The Inscriptions of Wat Phra Jetubon,” Journal of the Siam Society. Vol. 26, Pt. 2. The Siam Society, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Hofbauer, Rudolf. “A Medical Retrospect of Thailand.” In Journal of the Thailand Research Society, 34: 183-200. Thailand Research Society, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Linrothe, Rob, (Editor). (2006). “Holy Madness: Portraits of Tantric Siddhas.” Rubin Museum of Art and Serindia Publications. New York and Chicago, USA.
  • Miao, Yuan. (2002). “Dancing on Rooftops with Dragons: The Yoga of Joy.” The Philosophical Research Society, Los Angeles, USA.
  • Massage School of Chiang Mai. (2006). Yogi Exercise “Lue Sri Dadton” Student Handbook. Massage School of Chiang Mai, Chiang Mai, Thailand.
  • Matics, Kathleen Isabelle. (1978). An Historical Analysis of the Fine Arts at Wat Phra Chetuphon: A Repository of Ratanakosin Artistic Heritage, PhD Dissertation, New York University, New York, USA. Matics, K.I. (1977). “Medical Arts at Wat Pha Chetuphon: Various Rishi Statues.” In Journal of the Siam Society, 65:2: 2: 145-152. The Siam Society, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Norbu, Chogyal Namkhai. (2008). “Yantra Yoga: The Tibetan Yoga of Movement.” Snow Lion Publications, Ithaca, USA.
  • Reusi Tevijo Yogi. Personal Communication. Bangkok and Chiang Mai, Thailand.
  • Salguero, C. Pierce, (2007). “Traditional Thai Medicine: Buddhism, Animism and Ayurveda.” Hohm Press, Prescott, USA.
  • Saraswati, Swami Satyananda. (2006). “Asana, Pranayama, Mudra, Bandha.” Bihar School of Yoga, Yoga Publications Trust, Munger, India.
  • Schoeppl, Adolf. (1981). Textbook of Thai Traditional Manipulative Medicine, MPH Thesis, Mahidol University, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Sheposh, Joel. (2006). Reusi Dat Ton: Thai Style Exercises, Tao Mt., Charlottesville, USA.
  • Subcharoen, Pennapa and Deewised Kunchana, (Editors). (1995). “The Hermits Art of Contorting: Thai Traditional Medicine.” The National Institute of Thai Traditional Medicine, Nontaburi, Thailand.
  • Tulku, Tarthang. (1978). “Kum Nye Relaxation: Parts 1and 2.” Dharma Publishing, Berkeley, USA. Tulku, Tarthang. (2003). “Tibetan Relaxation: Kum Nye Massage and Movement.” Duncan Baird Publications, London, UK.
  • Venerable Dhammasaro Bhikkhu. “Textbook of Basic Physical Training- Hermit Style (Rishi).” Wat Po. Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Wat Po Thai Traditional Medical School, Ruesi Dat Ton; Student Handbook. Wat Po. Bangkok, Thailand. White, David Gordon. (1996). “The Alchemical Body: Siddha Traditions in Medieval India.” University of Chicago Press, Chicago, USA.

Thai Language 

  • Ajan Pisit Benjamongkonware. (2007). “Twenty One Self Stretching Exercises (21 Ta Dat Ton).” Village Doctor Press, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Ajan Pisit Benjamongkonware. Personal Communication. Pisit’s Massage School, Bangkok, Thailand, Ajan Kong Kaew Veera Prajak (Professor of Ancient Languages). Personal Communication. The Ancient Manuscript and Inscription Department, National Library, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Chaya, Ooh E. (2006). “Thai Massage, Reusi Dat Ton: Therapy for Illness and Relaxation, (Nuat Thai, Reusi Dat Ton: Bam Bat Rok Pai Klie Klieat).” Pi Rim Press, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Karen Reusi. Personal Communication via Dr. Robert Steinmetz of Wildlife Fund Thailand. Thung Yai National Park in Kanchanaburi Province, Thailand,
  • Mr. Kayat, (Editor). (1995). “Eighty Poses of Reusi Dat Ton, Wat Po (80 Ta Bat Reusi Dat Ton, Wat Po).” Pee Wa Tin Press, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Mulaniti Health Center. (1994). “41 Poses, The Art of Self Massage for Health, (41 Ta, Sinlaba Gan Nuat Don Eng Pua Sukapap).” Mulaniti Health Center, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Patanagit, Arun Rawee. (1994). “Body Exercise, Thai Style: Reusi Dat Ton, (Gan Brehan Rang Gie Bap Thai: Chut Reusi Dat Ton).” Petchkarat Press. Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Saw Pai Noie. (2001). “Lang Neua Chop Lang Ya.” Sai Ton Press, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Sela Noie, Laeiat. (2000). “Amazing Thai Heritage: Reusi Dat Ton.” Dok Ya Press, Bangkok, Thailand. Subcharoen, Pennapa (Editor). (2004). “Handbook of Thai Style Exercise: 15 Basic Reusi Dat Ton Poses, (Ku Mu Gie Brehan Bap Thai Reusi Dat Ton 15 Ta).” Thai Traditional Medicine Development Foundation, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Subcharoen, Pennapa (Editor). (2006). “One Hundred Twenty Seven Thai Style Exercises, Reusi Dat Ton (127 Ta Gie Brehan Bap Thai, Reusi Dat Ton).” Thai Traditional Medicine Development Foundation, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Various authors commissioned by King Rama III. (1838). “The Book of Eighty Rishis Performing Posture Exercises to Cure Various Ailments (Samut Rup Reusi Dat Ton Kae Rok Tang Tang Baet Sip Rup).” (Also known as Samut Thai Kao) Housed in the National Library Bangkok, Thailand,
  • Wat Po Thai Traditional Medicine School. (1990). “Reusi Dat Ton Handbook (Dam Ra Reusi Dat Ton Wat Po).” (Reproductions from the original Samut Thai Kao). Wat Po Press, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Wat Po Thai Traditional Medicine School. (1958). “The Book Of Medicine (Dam Ra Ya).” (Contains a Reusi Dat Ton section based on the same verses as the 1838 manuscript, Samut Thai Kao, but with completely different illustrations). Wat Po Press, Bangkok, Thailand.
  • Weerapong Chidnok, Opor Weerapun, Chanchira Wasuntarawat, Parinya Lertsinthai and Ekawee Sripariwuth. (2007). “Effect of Ruesi-Dudton-Stretching-Exercise Training to Anaerobic Fitness in Healthy Sedentary Females.” Naresuan University Journal 2007; 15 (3) 205-214. Phittsanulok, Thailand.

Wai Khruu ไหว้ครู honour/pay respect to the teacher

By Assunta Hunter

The front of the lecture hall in the grounds of a hospital in Chiang Mai is adorned by a long table laden with offerings of all kinds. An otherwise utilitarian space large enough to hold some 200 people has been transformed by the table bearing offerings on the raised dais at the front of the hall. There are garlands of gardenia, Indian marigolds strewn loosely and in piles, and lotus flowers are poking out of small brass urns; the perfume is overwhelming. Pyramids of limes, bananas and hot-pink dragon fruit are piled on the offering plates. There are coconut and sago desserts, pumpkin and coconut balls, and rice flour cakes all beautifully presented on plates in patterns and decorated with carved flowers. Incense sprouts from every possible flower arrangement and yellow temple candles stand among the many brightly colored floral arrangements and sweet–meats. There are fresh herbs such as ginger (khing ขิง Zingiber officinalis), cassumar ginger (phlaii ไพล Zingiber cassumar) and decorative glass jars of dried and powdered herbs, including cinnamon (opchoei อบเชย Cinnamomum zeylandicum). On a raised altar, there is an image of the Buddha (head and shoulders above all others as is usual: this is a way of expressing his pre-eminent status), the hermit (ruesi ฤษี the ascetic figure closely associated with healing and wisdom) and Jivaka Komarpaj, (ชีวกโกมารภัจจ์) the Buddha’s physician and the head of the Thai healing pantheon. Continue reading Wai Khruu ไหว้ครู honour/pay respect to the teacher

International Workshop May 8-10, 2015: Developing an interdisciplinary and multilingual digital knowledge base on Tibetan medical formulas with a focus on stress-related ‘wind’ (rlung) disorders

This report first appeared in the IASTAM newsletter: http://iastam.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/IASTAM-newsletter-Summer-2016.pdf

The three-day long workshop brought together international expert physicians and scholars of Tibetan medicine – medical anthropologists, historians, (ethno)botanists, pharmacologists, pharmacists – working with and/or on Tibetan medicine, and also experts in Chinese medicine, as well as IT specialists. The aim was to discuss and contribute toward how an interdisciplinary and multilingual digital knowledge base should look like that could be used in the future as an analytic tool for documenting and analysing Tibetan medical formulas. Processes of cultural translation are intrinsic to such translations between different languages, medical concepts of health and disease, and disciplinary approaches and interests, and therefore are often vexed and problematic.

Prepared by a one-month-long pilot study by visiting scholar-physician of Tibetan medicine, Dr Cairang Nanjia from the Tibetan Medical College, Qinghai University, PRC, and the author of this report, at the time a Wellcome Trust research fellow at EASTmedicine, University of Westminster (2012-2015), this ensuing workshop proved a fruitful platform for discussing some of the outcomes and issues involved in such a complex endeavour. Both pilot project and workshop were co-funded by the British Academy/Leverhulme Small Research Grant combined with private funds by The Sino-British Fellowship Trust. Asian workshop participants were supported by an additional IASTAM fund. The author would like to express her gratitude to these foundations and to IASTAM that made this encounter between scholars from different disciplines truly special and fruitful. This included scholars who rarely discuss their different interests and approaches, physicians-cum-pharmacists from Asia, and pharmaceutical producers focusing on Tibetan formulas.

We focused on a particular Tibetan formula complex containing the main ingredient eaglewood (Lat. different types of Aquillaria; Tib. a ga ru or a gar)—in the following Agar-formulas (Agar 8, Agar 15, Agar 20, Agar 35, Sogdzin 11). These were chosen as case studies for they are usually prescribed in relation to specific classifications of ‘wind’ (Tib. rlung) disorders that can be correlated with what we understand as classic ‘stress’ symptoms, such as insomnia and depression.

Dr Cairang Nanjia began the inquiry by documenting Agar-formulas in Tibetan medical, botanical and pharmacological texts used at present in Amdo, the Tibetan populated parts of Qinghai and Gansu provinces of China, focusing also on their structure, single ingredients and relations to each other. The author related her ethnographic material on different styles of production and prescription practices of Agar-formulas in both China and parts of Europe, and both Cairang and Schrempf co-developed, together with advice from IT specialist Kapetanios a possible multi-level digital knowledge base structure of synonyms and homonyms in order to deal with the complexity of different languages, concepts and terminologies. The preliminary results were presented at the workshop for discussion.

Workshop participants used different sources and analysed them following up on specific questions, such as which texts are important for understanding Tibetan materia medica and formulae and by whom they are produced, prescribed and used today; which ingredients are we actually talking about in a formula; how and why are certain rare or endangered materia medica ingredients in a formula substituted; why and how does a formula work; what is its local, regional, botanical identification; what are ’wind’ (Tib. rlung) disorders in Tibetan medicine and how can one correlate them with biomedical diseases related to ’stress’ (let alone trying to define the fluid concept and the Tibetan dynamic of ’wind’, or what does stress mean to body and mind). Complex issues without doubt constantly required our own translation exercises between Tibetan, English and Chinese languages.

Sources used and topics addressed by the workshop participants ranged from analysing Tibetan historical medical and botanical texts to develop a feasible structure for​ Tibetan formulas (Czaja) to Chinese publications on minority medicines and how information on their materia medica is collected in China (Springer); how the seminal Tibetan medical text, the Four Tantras or rGyud bzhi explains the classification and treatment of rlung disorders (Cuomu); how specific rlung disorders, specially ‘heart wind’ (Tib. snying rlung) and ‘life sustaining wind’ (Tib. srog ’dzin rlung), are taught to Tibetan medical students in Xining (Sanjijia); presenting his experiences as a physician-cum-pharmacist by the eminent co-founder and teacher at the Tibetan medical hospital in Xining (Dr Nyima); how Agar-compounds in their various forms and styles are prescribed in both Asian and European contexts (Schrempf); presenting patient case studies and related prescription practices for ‘wind’ disorders in the UK (Millard) in which, however, no Agar-compounds were used; asking socio-cultural and ethno- as well as medical botanical questions about the difficulties in identifying plant names, such as Aquillaria agallocha (van der Valk, Allkin, Leon); demonstrating salient issues of sustainability of materia medica growing in Ladkah (Padma Gurmet); demonstrating the life work for Tibetan medicine by the eminent scholar and teacher Akong Rinpoche in both his home area of Kham and the UK, focusing on the sustainability of medical plants (Sweeney); how to understand Tibetan materia medica and formulas in relation to TCM while both address stress-related symptoms (Ploberger); how the pharmaceutical company Padma AG has created and adapted the Tibetan formula Sogdzin 11 into Padma Nervotonin (Schwabl and Vennos); and, last but not least, what a digital data base can offer if one is interested in mapping drugs across time and space (Stanley-Baker, Chen Shi-Pei, Brent Haoyang Ho).

The aim of the workshop was to relate and analyse formula and substitution patterns, culturally distinct ideas of efficacy and safety and different disease categories/body images in relation to ways of diagnosing, formulating/producing, prescribing and using these chosen Tibetan formulas. Only careful translations will allow to properly correlate different concepts of Tibetan, Chinese and bio-medicine, keeping regional, national and global regulatory regimes in mind. It would desirable if in the future we could pursue an integrative and synthesising approach to Tibetan Medicine with a sensitivity to various interpretations in this multi-lingual endeavour, as well as trying to correlate different disciplines and practices.

The aim would be to explore careful and meaningful ways of representing Tibetan cultural and medical knowledge and develop suitable key search terms in different semantic networks in order to make such a digital knowledge base a useful tool for researchers and practitioners alike.

For more information concerning the EASTmedicine research group and the workshop, see the group’s website at https://www.westminster.ac.uk/eastmedicine-research-group